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VOL. I. 











Hutchinson Papers. 

Artiele Page 

I. Letter of Randall Holden 1 

II. Letter of Emanuel Downing to Gov. Winthrop ... 15 

III. Expenses of Courts, 1643 16 

IV. Letter of Benjamin Hubbard 20 

V. Letter of Richard Andrews to Gov. Winthrop .... 21 

VI. Letter of Thomas Peters to Gov. Winthrop .... 23 

VII. Letter of William Pead to Gov. Winthrop 25 

VIII. Letter of Ezekiel Rogers to Gov. Winthrop .... 26 

IX. Indenture between Gov. Winthrop and J. Mainfort . . 27 

X. Letter of Widow of D'Aunay 28 

XI. Marmaduke Matthews' Defence 29 

XII. Letter of Nathaniel Briscoe 32 

XIII. Letter of Gov. Endecot, &c. to Sir H. Vane .... 35 

XIV. Woburn Memorial for Christian Liberty 38 

XV. Michael Powell's Apology 45 

XVI. Letter of Peter Bulkeley 47 

XVII. Support of Ministers 49 

XVIII. Letter of Gov. Endecot 51 

XIX. Letter of William Brenton 54 

XX Representation of Adventurers to Cape Fear .... 55 

XXI. Proceedings against Petitioners, 1666 ...... 59 

XXII. Letter of Goffe, the Regicide's, Wife 60 

XXIII. Letter of J. Knowles to Gov. Leverett 62 

XXIV. Letter of Count Frontenac 64 

XXV. Letter of J. Knowles to Gov. Leverett 65 

XXVI. Instructions to Gov. J. Winslow in Philip's War . . 66 

XXVII. Letter of Thomas Savage to Gov. Leverett . . • . 68 

XXVIII. Letter of Roger Williams to Gov. Leverett ... 70 

XXIX. Letter of Charles II. to Massachusetts 72 

XXX. Arguments against relinquishing Charter .... 74 

XXXI. Letter of W. Clark to E. Randolph 81 

XXXII. French Settlements in Maine 82 

XXXIII. Wm. Hubbard's Order to act as President of H. Coll. 83 

XXXIV. Proclamation for Fast, 30 January, 1688 .... 83 


Article Page 

XXXV. Committee for contribution to Church of England . 84 

XXXVI. Andros's Account of Forees 85 

XXXVII. Indian Attack on Cocheco 87 

XXXVIII. Letter of Benjamin Church to Gov. Bradstreet . 91 

XXXIX. Account of New England, 1689 93 

XL. Declaration of S. Davis about his Captivity 101 

XLI. Treaty of Peace with Eastern Indians 112 

XLII. Gov. De MenuaPs Complaint against Gov. Phips . . 114 

XLIII. Letter of John Cotton 117 

XLIV. Petition to the King 120 

XLV. Reasons against sending a Governour to New England 121 

XLVI. Proposals to and from Capt. Kidd 122 

XLVII. Examination of Witches / 124 

XLVIII. Political Fables of New England 126 

XLIX. Ministers' Proposal for Mission to Eastern Indians 133 

L. Letter of John Nelson 134 

LI. Letter of Cotton Mather 137 

LII. Letter of Jeremiah Dummer 139 

LIII. Letter of Secretary Willard to Whitefield 147 

LIV. Letter of Gov. Pownall to Gov. Hutchinson .... 148 

LV. Letter of Gideon Hawley to Gov. Hutchinson .... 150 

LVI. Account of Boston, 1742 .152 

LVII. Churches and Ministers in New Hampshire .... 153 

LVIII. Instances of Longevity in New Hampshire . . . 155 

LIX. Seven Letters of Roger Williams 159 

LX. Two Letters of Hugh Peter 179 

LXI. Letter of William Hooke to Gov. Winthrop of Conn. 181 

LXII. Letter of John Maidstone to same 185 

LXIII. Plymouth Company Accounts 199 

LXIV. Memoir of Gamaliel Bradford 202 

LXV. Narrative of Narraganset Country 209 

LXVI. Letter of Gov. Haynes to Gov. Winthrop .... 229 

LXVII. Memorial of Jeremiah Dummer about Canada . . 231 
LX VIII. Three Letters of Hen. Jacie to Gov. Winthrop of Conn. 235 

LXIX. Condolence of Gov. Talcott of Conn 246 

LXX. Charlestown Church Affairs, 1678 248 

LXXI. Memoir of William Jones Spooner 265 

LXII. Branch Bank of the United States at Boston . . . 271 

LXXIII. Boston Bills of Mortality, 1818—24 278 

LXXIV. Lists of Resident and Corresp. Members of Hist. Soc. 287 

LXXV. List of Officers 292 

LXXVI. Acknowledgment of Donations 295 



[The publication of the series of documents, begun in our last 
volume, under this title, is now continued. It seemed best to 
follow, in general, the chronological order, and to give the modern 
orthography. Of the first article now printed, the date is earlier 
than that of the last in the preceding volume ; but as it relates to 
the unhappy quarrel with Gorton and his companions, the con- 
nection with other papers in the same controversy may render this 
a more proper place for its insertion. In reading the history of 
Winthrop, a dissatisfaction has always been felt for want of 
justificatory documents on this transaction, one of the most dan- 
gerous, with which the wisdom of our fathers* was tried, and in 
which they seem to have laid aside their usual mildness. Per- 
haps the readiness felt by our friends in Rhode Island to denounce 
the proceedings of the Massachusetts Colony towards the planters 
of Warwick, which were indeed arbitrary in no small degree, [See 
Vols. VII. 80, VIII. 68, and IX. 199, of our Second Series,] may 
be somewhat blunted by this address, that proves the complaint 
against Gorton and his associates to have been first preferred from 

The libel of Holden is so briefly referred to by Winthrop, that we 
shall do some service by printing it, though it will not indeed ex- 
cuse the extremity to which the Governour and Council of this 
colony carried their measures. 

From the letter of Downing, Governour Winthrop's brother-in-law, 
who lived at Salem, which town he represented in the General 
Court, 1639, we shall observe the temper of even those who were 
not parties in the controversy, and that the spirit of the age in- 
flamed the best men to bigotry. Ed.] 


Hutchinson Papers. 

Povidence, this 17th of November, Anno 1641. 

To the Honoured Governour of Massachusetts together 
with the Worshipful Assistants, and our loving Neigh- 
bours there. 

Vv E, the inhabitants of the town abovesaid, having fair 
occasion, counted it meet and necessary to give you 
true intelligence of the insolent and riotous carriages of 
Samuel Gorton and his company, which came from the 
island of Acquednick, which continue still as sojourners 
amongst us, together with John Green and Francis 
Weston, two which have this long time stood in opposi- 
tion against us, and against the fairest and most just 
and honest ways of proceeding in order and govern- 
ment that we could rightly and truly use, for the peace- 
able preservation and quiet subsistence of ourselves] 
and families, or any that should have fair occasion to go 
out or come in amongst us; also six or seven of our 
townsmen which were in peaceable covenants with us, 
which now by their declamations do cut themselves off 
from us, and jointly under their hands have openly pro- 
claimed to take party with the aforenamed companies, 
and so intend, for ought we can gather, to have no man- 
ner of honest order or government either over them or 
amongst them, as their writings, words and actions do 
most plainly show. It would be tedious to relate the 
numberless number of their upbraiding taunts, assaults 
and threats, and violent kind of carriage daily practised 
against all that either with care or counsel seek to pre- 
vent or withstand their lewd licentious courses. Yet in 
brief to commit some few of them to your moderate 
judgments, lest we ourselves should be deemed some 
way blinded in the occurrences of things, here is a true 
copy of their writing enclosed, which Francis Weston 
gave us the 13th of this present month ; they having 
also set up a copy of the same on a tree in the street, 
instead of satisfaction for fifteen pounds, which by way 

Hutchinson Papers. 3 

of arbitration of eight men orderly chosen, and all 
causes and reasons that could be found, duly and truly 
examined and considered jointly together, and he the 
said Francis Weston was found liable to pay, or make 
satisfaction in cattle or commodities. But on the 15th 
day of this present month, when we went orderly, open- 
ly, and in warrantable way to attach some of the said 
Francis Weston's cattle, to drive them to the pound, to 
make him, if it were possible, to make satisfaction, which 
Samuel Gorton and his company, getting notice of, came 
and quarreled with us in the street, and made a tumultu- 
ous hubbub, and although for our parts we had before- 
hand most principally armed ourselves with patience 
peaceably to suffer as much injury as could possibly be 
borne, to avoid all shedding of blood, yet some few drops 
of blood were shed on either side ; and after the tumult 
was partly appeased, and that we went on orderly into 
the cornfield to drive the said cattle, the said Francis 
Weston came furiously running with a flail in his hand, 
and cried out, Help, sirs, help, sirs, they are going to 
steal my cattle ; and so continued crying, till Randall 
Houlden, John Greene and some others, came running, 
and made a great outcry and hallooing, and crying, 
Thieves, thieves, stealing cattle, stealing cattle ; and so 
the whole number of their desperate company came riot- 
ously running, and so with much striving in driving, 
hurried away the cattle, and then presumptuously an- 
swered they had made a rescue, and that such should be 
their practice, if any men, at any time, in any case, at- 
tach any thing that is theirs. And fully to relate the 
least part of their such like words and actions, the time 
and paper would scarce be profitably spent; neither 
need we to advise your discretions, what is likely to be 
the sad events of these disorders, if their bloody currents 
be not either stopped, or turned some other way. For 
it is plain to us, that if men should continue to resist all 
manner of order and orderly answering one of another 
in different causes, they will suddenly practise not only 
cunningly to detain things one from another, but openly 

4 Hutchinson Papers. 

in publick, justly or unjustly, according to their own 
wills, disorderly take what they can come by, first 
pleading necessity, or to maintain wife and family, but 
afterwards boldly to maintain licentious lust, like savage 
brute beasts, they will put no manner of difference 
between houses, goods, lands, wives, lives, blood nor any 
thing will be precious in their eyes. If it may therefore 
please you, of gentle courtesy and for the preservation of 
humanity and mankind, to consider our condition, and 
lend us a neighbour-like helping hand, and send us such 
assistance, our necessity urges us to be troublesome unto 
you to help us to bring them to satisfaction, and ease us 
of our burden of them, at your discretion, we shall ever- 
more own it as a deed of great charity, and take it very 
thankfully, and diligently labour in the best measure we 
can, and constantly practise to requite your loving kind- 
ness, if you should have occasion to command us or any 
of us in any lawful design. And if it shall please you to 
send us any speedy answer, we shall take it very kindly, 
and be ready and willing to satisfy the messenger, and 
ever remain your loving neighbours and respective 




To the much Honoured Governourl 
of Massachusett Patent, and to the | 
rest of the Worshipful Assistants y 
there, these be delivered, carefully f 
we pray. J 

[The handwriting is that of Benedict Arnold. Ed.] 

Hutchinson Papers, 

From our Neck : Curo : September 15£/j, 1643. 

To the Great and Honoured Idol General, now 
set up in the Massachusetts, whose pretended equity in 
distribution of justice unto the souls and bodies of men, 
is nothing else but a mere device of man, according to 
the ancient custom and sleights of Satan, transforming 
himself into an angel of light, to subject and make 
slaves of that species or kind, that God hath honoured 
with his own image : Read Dan. 3 chap, wherein (if 
it be not like Lot's door unto the Sodomites) you may 
see the visage or countenance of your state ; for we 
know the sound of all your musick, from the highest 
note of wind instruments, sounding and set up by the 
breath or voices of men, (to have dominion and rule as 
though there were no God in heaven or in earth but 
they, to do right unto the sons of men) unto the lowest 
tunes of your stringed instruments, subjecting themselves 
to hand or skill of the devised ministrations of men, as 
though God made man to be a vassal to his own species 
or kind, for he may as well be a slave to his belly, and 
make it his God, as to any thing that man can bring 
forth; yea, even in his best perfection, who can lay 
claim to no title or term of honour but what the dust, 
rottenness and putrefaction can afford ; for that of right 
belongeth solely to our Lord Christ. Wo therefore 
unto the world, because of the idols thereof, for idols 
must needs be set up ; but wo unto them by whom 
they are erected. 

Out of these abovesaid principles, which is the king- 
dom of darkness and of the devil, you have writ another 
note unto us, to add to your former pride and folly, 
telling us again, you have taken Pumhom, with others, 
into your jurisdiction and government ; and that upon 
good grounds (as you say.) You might have done well, 
to have proved yourselves Christians, before you had 
mingled yourselves with the heathen, that so your 
children might have known how to put a distinction 

6 Hutchinson Papers. 

betwixt you and them in after times ; but we perceive 
that to be too hard a work for yourselves to perform, 
even in time present. But if you will communicate 
justice and government with that Indian, we advise you 
to keep him amongst yourselves, where he and you may 
perform that worthy work. Yet upon a better ground, 
we can inform you, that he may not expect former cour- 
tesies from us, for now by your note we are resolved of 
his breach of covenant with us in this his seeking and 
subjection unto you, which formerly he hath always 
denied. Let him and you know, therefore, that he is to 
make other provision for his planting of corn hereafter 
than upon Mshawomet ; for we will not harbour amongst 
us any such fawning, lying, and cadaverous person as 
he is, after knowledge of him, as now in part you have 
given unto us, only he shall have liberty sufficient to 
take away his corn, habitation, or any of his implements, 
so be it he pass away in peace and quiet, which might 
in no case be admitted, if it were so that we lived by 
blood as you do, either through incision of the nose, 
division of the ear from the head, stigmaties upon the 
back, suffocation of the veins, through extremity of cold, 
by your banishments in the winter, or strangled in the 
flesh with a halter. But we know our course, professing 
the kingdom of God and his righteousness, renouncing 
that of darkness and the devil, wherein you delight to 
trust ; for without the practice of these things, you can- 
not kiss your hand, bless your idol, nor profess your 
vows and offerings to be paid and performed. Oh ye 
generation of vipers, who hath forewarned you or fore- 
stalled your minds with this, (but Satan himself) that 
the practice of these things is to fly from the w 7 rath to 
come ? Whereas the very exercise and performance of 
them, is nothing else but the vengeance and wrath of 
God upon you already, in that mankind so harmoni- 
cally made in the image of God, is in the exercise of 
your kingdom, become the torturer and tormentor, yea, 
the executioner of itself, whilst those of you that are of 
the same stock and stem, work out, yea, and that cu- 

Hutchinson Papers. 7 

riously, through the law of your minds, the death and 
destruction of one another, when as in the mean time, 
the same nature, or subsistence in the way of our Lord 
Jesus, saves both itself and others. 

You tell us of complaints made by the Indians, of 
unjust dealings and injuries done unto them ; why do 
they not make them known to us ? they never complain- 
ed to us of any thing done unto this day, but they had 
satisfaction to the full, according to their own mind, for 
oft we know in what they express unto us, although our 
wrongs insufferable, done by them, lie still in the dark : 
For we know very well, we have plenty of causeless 
adversaries, wanting no malice that Satan can inject ; 
therefore we suffer much, that in the perfection and 
height of their plots, they may receive the greater 
rebuke and shame for their baseness, in the eyes of 
all the world. 

To which end, we have not only committed our con- 
dition unto writings, but them also into the hands and 
custody of such friends, from whom they shall not be 
taken by any, or by all the governments of this country 
as formerly they have been, that so our wrongs might 
not appear. Therefore, never pick a quarrel against 
us in these things, for we know all your sleights and 
devices, that being you now want, such as old malicious 
Arnold, one of your low stringed instruments to exer- 
cise his fiddle amongst us, and we are void of your bene- 
diction also, sprung out of the same stock, to make rents 
and divisions for you to enter, to gain honour unto your- 
selves in having patients to heal, though they lie never so 
long under your hands, your chirurgery must be thought 
never the worse. Wanting these, or such like of the 
English to betray the liberties God hath given us into 
your hands, now you work by your coadjutors, these 
accursed Indians. 

But you are deceived in us ; we are not a cup fitted 
for your so eager appetite ; no otherwise, than if you 
take it down, it shall prove unto you a cup of trembling, 
either making you vomit out your own eternal shame, 

8 Hutchinson Papers. 

or else to burst in sunder with your fellow confessor 
for hire, Judas Iscariot. For Mr. Winthrop and his 
copartner Parker may not think to lay our purchased 
plantation to their island, so near adjoining ; for they 
come too late in that point ; though Benedict hath re- 
ported, that Miantenomie, one of the sachems of whom 
we bought it, should lose his head for selling his right 
thereof to us. As also a minister affirmed, that Mr. 
Winthrop should say to him, that we should either be 
subjected unto you, or else removed hence, though it 
should cost blood. Know therefore, that our lives are set 
apart already, for the case we have in hand, so we will 
lose nothing but what is put apart aforehand. Bethink 
yourselves, therefore, what you should gain by fetching 
of them, in case it were in your power, for our loss 
should be nothing at all, 

For we are resolved, that according as you put forth 
yourselves towards us, so shall you find us transformed 
to answer you. If you put forth your hand to us as 
countrymen, ours are in readiness for you ; — if you ex- 
ercise your pen, accordingly do we become a ready 
writer ; — if your sword be drawn, ours is girt upon our 
thigh ; — if you present a gun, make haste to give the 
first fire, for we are come to put fire upon the earth, 
and it is our desire to have it speedily kindled. 

For your pursuit of us, still, to come to your courts, 
to receive your parcels of justice, undoubtedly either 
God hath blinded your eyes, that you see not our an- 
swer formerly given in that point, or else you are most 
audacious to urge it upon us again ; also you may take 
notice, that we take in more disdain than you could do, 
in case we should importune you, (yea) the chief among 
you, to come up to us and be employed according to our 
pleasure in such works as we thought good to set you 
about ; and for your grant of freedom unto us, to come 
down to you and return in safety, we cannot sufficiently 
vilify this your verbal and perfunctory offer, knowing 
very well, according to the verdict of your own con- 
science, that what wrongs soever are passed amongst 

Hutchinson Papers. 9 

us since our coming into this country, you have been the 
violent agents, and we the patients. To fear therefore 
to come amongst you as such as have done wrong, the 
case vanisheth in us, so must the effect also. And to 
fear to come unto you as tyrants, which your grant 
must necessarily imply, that we cannot, knowing that he 
that is with us is stronger than he that is in you. Also, 
the earth is the Lord's and the fulness thereof; and 
when and where he shall call we will go, but not at the 
will and lust of sorry man, to play their parts with us 
at their pleasure, as formerly they have done, and as it 
is apparent you desire to do ; for if your lusts prevailed 
not over you in that kind, you might well think, that we 
have better employments than to trot to the Massachu- 
setts, upon the report of a lying Indian, or English, 
either as your factors and ordinary hackneys do. But 
know this (oh ye) that so long as we behave ourselves 
as men, walking in the name of our God, wherever we 
have occasion to come, if any mortal man whose breath 
is in his nostrils, dares to call us into question, we dare to 
give answer to him, or them ; nor shall we fail, through 
God, to give testimony even in his conscience, of the 
hope that is in us, whether his question may concern the 
rise or succession either of priest or peer. In the mean 
time, we sit in safety under the cloudy pillar, while the 
nations roar and make a noise about us ; and though you 
may look upon us with the unopened eye of Elias's 
servant, thinking us as nothing to those that are against 
us, yet wherever the cloud rests, we know the Lord's 
return to the many thousands of Israel. In that you 
say our freedom granted to come unto you takes away 
all excuse from us, we freely retort it upon yourselves 
to make excuses, whose laws and proceedings with the 
souls and bodies of men, is nothing else but a continued 
act, (like the horse in the mill) of accusing and excusing, 
which you do by circumstances and conjectures, as all 
your fathers have done before you, the diviners and 
necromancers of the world, who are gone to their own 
place, and have their reward. But for the true nature, 

10 Hutchinson Papers. 

rise and distribution of things, as they are indeed, and 
shall remain and abide as a law firm and stable forever, 
we say and can make it good, you know nothing at 
all. Therefore, such as can delight themselves in preach- 
ing, professing, and executing of such things as must 
end as the brute beasts do ; nay, take them away for 
present, and they have lost their honour, religion, as 
also their God, let such, we say, know themselves to be 
that beast and false prophet, no man of God at all. In 
the mean time, we look not on the things that are seen, 
but on the things that are not seen, knowing the one 
are temporary, the other eternal. Nor do we think the 
better of any man for being invested into places, or 
things that will in time wax old as doth a garment; 
neither judge we the worse of any man for the want of 
them ; for if we should, we must condemn the Lord 
Christ, as so many do at this day. 

We demand when we may expect some of you to 
come up to us, to answer and give satisfaction for some 
of those foul and inhuman wrongs you have done not 
to the Indians, but to us your countrymen ; not to bring 
in a catalogue as we might, take this one particular 
above, you are now acting, in that you abet and back 
these base Indians to abuse us. Indeed, Pumhom is an 
aspiring person, as becomes a prince of his profession, 
for having crept into one of our neighbor's houses in 
the absence of the people, and feloniously rifled the 
same, he was taken coming out again at the chimney 
top. Socconanocco also hath entered in like manner 
into one of our houses, with divers of his companions, 
and breaking open a chest, did steal out divers parcels 
of goods, some part whereof, as some of his companions 
have affirmed, are in his custody at this time. Yet we 
stand still, to see to what good issue you will bring your 
proceedings with these persons, by whom you are so hon- 
ourably attended in the Court general, as you call it, 
and would honour us also to come three or four score 
miles to stand by you and them ; we could tell you also, 
that it is nothing with these fellows, to send our cattle 

Hutchinson Papers. 11 

out of the woods with arrows in their sides, as at this 
present it appears, in one even now so come home ; and 
it is well they come home at all ; for sometimes their 
wigwams can receive them, and we have nothing of 
them at all. Yea, they can domineer over our wives and 
children in our houses, when we are abroad about our 
necessary occasions ; sometimes throwing stones, to the 
endangering of their lives ; and sometimes violently tak- 
ing our goods, making us to run for it if we will have 
it ; and if we speak to them to amend their manners, they 
can presently vaunt it out, that the Massachusetts is all 
one with them, let the villany they do be what it will ; 
they think themselves secure, for they look to be upheld 
by you in whatever they do, if you be stronger than 
them which they have to deal withal. And they look 
with the same eye yourselves do, thinking the multitude 
will bear down all, and persuade themselves (as well 
they may) that as you tolerate and maintain them, in 
other of their daily practices, as lying, Sabbath breaking, 
taking of many wives, gross whoredoms and fornica- 
tions ; so you will do also in their stealing, abusing of 
our children, and the like ; for you have your diligent 
ledgers here among them that inculcate daily upon this, 
how hateful we are unto you, calling us by other names 
of their own devising, bearing them in hand, we are not 
Englishmen, and therefore the object of envy of all that 
are about us ; and that if we have any thing to do with 
you, the very naming of our persons shall cast our case, 
be it what it will ; as it is too evident, by the case de- 
pending between William Arnold and John Warner, 
that no sooner was the name of Mr. Gorton mentioned 
amongst you, but Mr. Dudley disdainfully asking, Is 
this one joined to Gorton ? and Mr. Winthrop, unjustly, 
upon the same speech, refused the oath of the witness, 
calling him knight of the post. Are these the ways and 
persons you trade by towards us ? are these the people 
you honour yourselves withal ? the Lord shall lay such 
honour in the dust, and bow down your backs with 
shame and sorrow to the grave, and declare such to be 

12 Hutchinson Papers. 

apostatizers from the truth, and falsifiers of the word of 
God, only to please men and serve their own lusts ; that 
can give thanks in their publick congregations, for their 
unity with such gross abominations as these. We must 
needs ask you another question from a sermon now 
preached amongst us, namely, how that blood relisheth 
you have formerly sucked from us, by casting us upon 
straits above our strength, that have not been exer- 
cised in such kind of labours, no more than the best of 
you in former times ; in removing us from our former 
conveniences, to the taking away of the lives of some of 
us ; when you are about your dished-up dainties, having 
turned the juice of a poor silly grape, that perisheth in 
the use of it, into the blood of our Lord Jesus, by the 
cunning skill of your magicians, which doth make mad 
and drunk so many in the world, and yet a little sleep 
makes them their own men again ; so can it heal and 
pacify your consciences at present ; but the least hand 
of God returns your fears and terrors again. Let our 
blood, we say, present itself together herewith. You 
hypocrites, when will you answer such cases as these ? 
and we do hereby promise unto you, that we will never 
look man in the face, if you have not a fairer hearing 
than ever we had amongst you, or can ever expect. 
And be it known to you all, that we are your own coun- 
trymen, whatever you report of us, though the Lord 
hath taught us a language you never spoke, neither can 
you hear it ; and that is the cause of your alienation from 
us. For as you have mouths and speak not, so have 
ye ears and hear not. So we leave you to the judgment 
and arraignment of God Almighty. The joint act, not of 
the Court General, but of the peculiar fellowship now 
abiding upon Mshawomet. 


Post Scriptum. 

We need not put a seal unto this our warrant, no 
more than you did to yours. The Lord hath added one 

Hutchinson Papers. 13 

to our hands in the very conclusion of it, in that effusion 
of blood and horrible massacres now made at the Dutch 
plantation of our loving countrymen, women and chil- 
dren, which is nothing else but the complete figure, in a 
short epitome, of what we have writ, summed up in one 
entire act ; and lest you should make it a part of your 
justification, as you do all such like acts, provided they 
be not upon your own backs, concluding them to be 
greater sinners than yourselves ; we tell ye, nay, but 
except you repent, you shall likewise perish. For we 
ask you who was the cause of Mrs. Hutchinson, her 
departure from amongst you ? was it voluntary ? No ; 
she changed her phrases according to the dictates of 
your tutors, and confessed her mistakes, that so she 
might give you content to abide amongst you ; yet did 
you expose her, and cast her away. No less are you 
the original of her removal from Aquethneck ; for when 
she saw her children could not come down among you, 
no, not to confer with you in your own way of brother- 
hood, but be clapt up and detained by so long imprison- 
ment ; rumours also being noised about, that the island 
should be brought under your government, which if it 
should, they were fearful of their lives, or else to act 
against the plain verdict of their own consciences, 
having had so great and apparent proof of your dealings 
before ; as also the island being at such divisions within 
itself, some earnestly desiring it should be delivered into 
your hands, professing their unity with you ; others de- 
nied it, professing their dissent and division from you ; 
though for what, themselves know not, but only their 
abominable pride to exercise the like tyranny. 

From these and such like workings, having their 
original in you, she gathered unto herself, and took up 
this fiction, (with the rest of her friends) that the Dutch 
plantation was the city of refuge, as she had gathered 
like things from your doctrines before, when she seemed 
to hold out some certain glimpses or glances of light 
more than appeared elsewhere, whilst there was such to 
approve it, in whom there might be some hope to exalt 


14 Hutchinson Papers. 

the instruments thereof higher than could be expected 
from others. But you know very well, you could never 
rest, nor be at quiet, till you had put it under a bushel, 
id est, bounded and measured, the infinite and immense 
word of God, according to your own shallow, human 
and carnal capacities, which, however it may get the 
highest seats in your synagogues, synods and Jewish 
sanhedrims, yet shall it never enter into the kingdom of 
God to be a door keeper there. Do not therefore be- 
guile yourselves, in crying out against the errours of those 
so miserably fallen, for they are no other things which 
they hold, but the branches of the same root yourselves 
so stoutly stand upon. But know this, that now the 
axe is laid to the root of the tree, whereof you are 
a part, and every tree that bringeth not forth good fruit, 
according to the law of that good thing, which the 
Father knows how to give to those that ask it, shall be 
cut down and cast into the fire. Neither do you fill up 
your speeches or tales, (we mean your sermons.) But 
that we affect not the idolizers of words, no more than 
of persons or places ; for yourselves know the word is 
no more but a bruit or talk, as you know also your great ! 
and terrible word magistrate is no more in its origi- 
nal, than masterly or masterless, which hath no great 
lustre in our ordinary acceptation. Therefore, we look 
to find and enjoy the substance, and let the ceremony of 
these things, like vapour, vanish away, though they 
gather themselves into clouds without any water at all 
in them. The Lord is in the mean time a dew unto 
Israel, and makes him to grow like a lily, casting out his 
roots and branches as Lebanon. We say fill not up 
your talk as your manner is, crying that she went out 
without ordinances, for God can raise up out of that 
stone which you have already rejected, (as children) so 
also ministers and ordinances unto Abraham. You 
may remember also, that every people and poor plan- 
tation formerly fleeced by you, cannot reach unto the 
hire of one of your tenets, nor fetch in one such dove as 

Hutchinson Papers. 15 

you send abroad into our native country, to carry and 
bring you news. 

Nor can you charge them in that point, for it was for 
protection or government they went ; and however 
hire in other respects, yet the price of a wife and 
safety of his own life adjoined, carried a minister along 
with them of the same rise and breeding, together with 
your own. To add unto the blood so savagely and 
causelessly spilt, with which a company of such as you 
take pleasure to protect ; for they are all of one spirit, 
if they have not hands in the same act. We say their 
death is causeless ; for we have heard them affirm, that 
they would never heave up a hand, no, nor move a 
tongue against any that persecuted or troubled them, 
but only endeavour to save themselves by flight, not 
perceiving the nature and end of persecution ; neither 
of that antichristian opposition and tyranny, the issue 
whereof declares itself in this so dreadful and lamentable 


[Two or three of the last words are indistinct. Ed.] 


For my cousin Deane's business, I see no let 
nor hindrance but that may proceed with as much expe- 
dition as you please, without any further delay than 
modesty requireth in such occasions ; the portion, as I 
understand, is about £200. If you be content therewith, 
I suppose the quality and person of the maid will not 
give cause of dislike. I shall be willing to hasten the 
despatch thereof, in hope the sooner to enjoy your com- 
pany here. I am glad my sister will have so good an 
errand to Groton, for she is like, with God's blessing, to 
return with a modest, quiet and discreet wife for her 
son, and one in whom there is good hope of grace. 
I suppose my cousin Stephen carried back the ac- 


Hutchinson Papers. 

counts, for I cannot yet find them ; if they come to 
hand, I shall return them safe unto you. 

I fear the Lord is offended for sparing the lives of 
Gorton and his companions, for if they all be as busy as 
this at Salem, there will be much evil seed sown in the 
country. I hope some of them will be brought to trial 
next Court for breach of their order; and if yet you 
shall spare them, I shall fear a curse upon the land. 
The good Lord direct herein to do what shall be pleas- 
ing in his sight. So with my love and service to 
yourself and all yours, I rest your loving brother, 


6. 12. 43. 

To his ever Honoured Brother, John Winthrop, Esq. ) 
Governour. ) 

[The Colony Records inform us, that the prisoner confined at 
Salem was Randall Holden. Ed.] 

A Note of the Charges for the Magistrates and attendants 
at a Quarter Court, the 1th of the 1st month, 1643. 

7th day. At dinner, persons 7, 10 6 

Attendants, do. 8, 5 4 

At Supper, do. 9, 13 6 

Attendants, do. 6, 4 

For beer and bread and fires, .... 26 

8th day. At dinner, persons 8, 12 

Attendants, do. 7, 4 8 

At supper, do. 8, 12 

Attendants, do. 5, 3 4 

For beer and bread and fires, .... 210 

9th day. At dinner, persons 11, 16 6 

Attendants, do. 6, 4 

At supper, do. 9, 13 6 

Attendants, do. 4, 2 8 

For beer and bread and fires, .... 2 10 

Hutchinson Papers. 

10th day. At dinner, persons, 8, 
Attendants, do. 6, 

At supper, do. 9, 

Attendants, do. 6, 

For bread and beer and fires 








Sum is £7 6 8 

If all be paid, due is £3 12 for 16 actions entered, 
whereof 10 were withdrawn. 

A Note of the Charges for the Grand Jury at the Quarter 
Court, 1th of the 1st month, 1643. 

7th day. At dinner, persons 1 8, 

At supper, do. 12, 

For beer and bread and fires, 
8th day. At dinner, persons 17, 

At supper, do. 15, 

For beer and bread and fires, 
9th day. At dinner, persons 16, 

At supper, do. 14, 

For beer and bread and fires, 
10th day. Morning, for beer and bread, and 
lodgings 3 nights, . . . 













Sum is £5 9 

A Note of the Charges for the Magistrates and attendants 
at a Particular Court, 27th 2d month, 1643. 

27th day. At dinner, persons 11, 

Attendants, do. 


At supper, do. 


Attendants, do. 


For beer and fires, 

28th day. At dinner, persons 


Attendants, do. 














Hutchinson Papers. 

At supper, persons 8, 
Attendants do. 6, 


£3 5 2 

A Note of the Charges for the Magistrates and attendants 
at a Quarter Court, the 6th of the kth month, 1643. 

6th day. At dinner, persons 10, 

Attendants, do. 4, 

At supper, do. 10, 

Attendants, do. 4, 

For bread and beer, . . . 
7th day. At dinner, persons 13, 

Attendants, do. 6, 

At supper, do. 11, 

Attendants, do. 7, 

For beer and bread, . . . 
8th day. At dinner, persons 10, 

Attendants, do. 6, 

At supper, do. 10, 

Attendants, do. 6, 

For beer and bread, . . . 
























£6 2 9 

A Note of the Charges for the Magistrates and attendants 
at a Particular Court, 27th of the 5th month, 1643. 

27th day. At dinner, persons 5, 

Attendants, do. 2, 

At supper, do. 5, 

Attendants, do. 2, 

For beer and fires, . . . 
28th day. At dinner, persons 10, 

Attendants, do. 5, 

At supper, do. 9, 

For beer and bread, . . . 

7 6 j 

1 4 I 

7 6 I 

1 4 ! 

1 i 

15 I 

3 4 

13 6 


Hutchinson Papers. 


29th day. At dinner, persons 5, 
Attendants, do. 4, 

7 6 

2 8 

£3 1 6 

7%e 5th day of the 1th month, 1643, at a Quarter Court, 
at the Magistrates'* Table. 

5th day. At dinner, persons 12, 

Attendants, do. 4, 

At supper, do. 15, 

Attendants, do. 4, 

6th day. At dinner, persons 15, 

Attendants, do. 5, 

At supper, do. 13, 

Attendants, do. 4, 
















£4 9 4 

A Note of the Charges for the Grand Jury, at the Quar- 
ter Court, the 5th of the 1th month, 1643. 

5th day. At dinner, persons 19, 19 

At supper, do. 12, 12 

For beer and bread, and suppers for 3 ) 90 

the night before, ) 

6th day. At dinner, persons 20, ... . 100 

At supper, do. 10, 10 

For beer and bread, 2 

£3 5 9 

4th month, 13, 1643. For a dinner for the 
Governour and Magistrates, and some 
Deputies and Strangers, persons 16, 

Attendants, persons 5, and 10 of the French 
that dined with the attendants, . . . 

22d day. For a dinner for the Magistrates 
and Elders, and some of the Deputies, 

1 1 4 

14 3 

1 11 6 

20 Hutchinson Papers. 

26th day. For a dinner for the Magistrates ] 

and Elders, and some of the Deputies up- I j 7 4 
on occasion of the Dutch Governour j 
sending, J 

5th month, 24th. For a dinner for the > 13 6 
Magistrates and some of the Deputies, ) 

6th month, the latter end. For a dinner > 10 6 
for the Magistrates and two Deputies, 3 

8th month, 3d day. For a dinner for the ) 

Magistrates and Elders, and some of the > 19 6 
Deputies, ) 

And dinners for the attendants and messen- ) 

gers that came, one from Connecticut, and > 5 8 

one from Captain Cooke, . . . . ) 

More for diet and beer for the Indians at two } 

or three several times that have come > 6 10 

upon publick service, ) 

Sum is £7 15 5 

Right Worshipful Sir, 

Having received so many favours of sundry sorts 
from you, which from time to time you have been pleased 
to bestow upon me and mine so freely, as also your kind 
and 'good assistance in my so comfortable a voyage, I 
thought it my duty, as primarily to praise the Lord, so in 
a due measure to be thankful to your worship, whose 
testimonial hath been a means to procure me the more 
favourable acceptance in the sight of sundry gentlemen. 
I have not yet made trial of my invention concerning 
longitude before artists, but a time is appointed for it. 
If the Lord prosper me therein, I hope I shall express 
more thankfulness to your kindest self, sir. So desiring 
to enjoy the benefit of your prayers, and that the Lord 

Hutchinson Papers. 21 

would make you every way prosperous, I remain yours 
in humble sort at command, 


London, 25th 12th, 1644. 

To my much Honoured, and Worshipful } 
Friend, Mr. John Winthrop, Deputy C 
Governour in Massachusetts Bay, C 
present this. ) 

In Rotterdam in Holland, 
the 5th January, 1645. 

The Worshipful Mr. John Winthrop. 


My loving and due respects remembered unto 
you, and having so convenient means of sending per Mr. 
Graves, whose going hence is much sooner and sudden 
to me than I expected, although 1 have hardly time now 
to write, through other occasions, thought fit to certify 
you that I received yours of the year 1643, but too late 
the last year to return answer before the ships might be 
gone from London ; and whereas you seem to conceive 
little hope of receiving satisfaction from the partners of 
Plymouth for me, until Mr. SherleyandMr. Bechamp and 
myself do agree, of which I conceive less if any hope, by 
reason of the partners and Mr. Sherley subtly plotted end, 
if not Mr. Bechamp's head or hand was there also, of 
which I formerly informed you, and several other the 
partners' unfair and unjust dealings with me by my late 
former letters, the which might the more plainly appear 
by the copies of two of Mr. Ed. Winslow's letters sent 
therewith, of which or any others I cannot now mention 
particulars, but their dealings with me for several 
years seem so apparently unjust and unfair unto me in 
i several particulars, that if they have not given the 
i better satisfaction for me before the next opportunity I 

22 Hutchinson Papers. 

may have of sending, I pray be pleased to certify them 
that they must not take it ill, if 1 call them publickly to 
account for several their dealings towards me, which are 
very much unbeseeming fair dealing men, who make 
not so much profession to walk according to the rule of 
the gospel as they, and yet answer not the same, in not 
dealing with others as they would that others should 
deal with them. I hope twice seven years time is long 
enough to keep my money before they return the 
principal, and that if either law or conscience bear sway 
in New England, they shall not be suffered to keep my 
money remaining in their hands more years upon both 
false and frivolous pretences, and be accounted men 
answering their profession. I did once before entreat 
your worship to certify Mr. Ed. Winslow and the rest 
in private, of some evil dealings I conceived fit to call 
some of them to account for, the which 1 have yet 
forborne, of which I would wish them to consider, 
whether I have not now just cause to call them to ac- 
count how far they can free themselves of my then 
charge to some other in regard of what remaineth due 
to me from them, and if there have not been the like 
endeavours therein, or for part thereof, and let not the 
partners by longer unjust delays aggravate their unjust 
and unfair dealings, lest it come heavily on them at the 
last. I did order Mr. Ed. Winslow, several years since, 
to deliver your worship my stock of four cows and two 
calves, with half their increase, to be disposed among 
the poor of your plantation, but have not heard either 
from him or yourself what is done therein ; wherefore 
having some occasion of writing to Mr. William Pin- 
chon, 1 entreated him to inquire and to certify me, and 
to be assistant to your worships in the prosecution of 
the partners for the satisfying of what remains due on 
my account, because I conceive your worships have so 
many other occasions that it may be some ease to you 
therein. I have been here at Rotterdam almost one year 
and a half, since I last came hither, and it may be may 
not see either Mr. Sherley or Mr. Bechamp in several 

Hutchinson Papers, 23 

years more ; but if I did, will not so end as to make 
myself seem guilty with them of doing the partners such 
injuries as they complain of, that Mr. Sherley and 
Mr. Bechamp may seem the less guilty therein, which 
seems to me to be one main end in regard of them two 
in the endeavoured plotted end, yet the partners may 
have several other ends to themselves therein likewise. 
Time calls me away, and I must end and rest your 
loving friend, 


To the Worshipful Mr. John Winthrop, ) 
at Boston, these deliver New England. | 

[Thanks were voted to this Mr. Andrews by our General Court this 
year for his benefaction of i£5O0. Ed.] 


If what lately came to my ears bear any truth, 
I see the malus genius of the country verifies the old 
adage, regium est quum bene feceris male audire. And 
though I cannot but share in your sufferings, yet my 
confidence in your integrity bids me boldly to encourage 
you with an hope of a good issue to this as other your 
temptations. You are not alone in this lot, et ferre 
quam sortem patiuntur omnes nemo recuset. Our great 
Master was a man of sorrows, and his men may not 
think to be men of joys in this world. His precaution 
contradicts that omen, John 16, last. The righteous 
shall be as the sun when he goes forth in his strength, 
Judges 5, last. Every counsel of the Holy Ghost is of 
infinite depth and founded upon strength of reason. 
Yea, we have all need of patience, and let me beg it 
may have its perfect work. We know what works it, 
Romans, 5. 3, and what it works, verse 4, 5. As tribu- 
lation hammers this piece of spiritual armour out for a 
shirt of mail and armour of proof to the saints, so it is 
accompanied with experience sweet and manifold, both 
of God, selves and others ; and both work up another 

24 Hutchinson Papers. 

piece, hope, and it makes not ashamed. Christ sees a 
necessity of scandals coming. Oh that we could make 
improvement of them, and learn of him to advance our 
spiritual stock of obedience upon every thing we suffer 
here! Heb. 5. 8. Now as finite and infinite bear no 
more proportion than something and nothing, so nor 
any nor all our sufferings to that excessively exceeding 
weight of glory which shall be revealed in us. Nay, 
they add to our glories, and therefore give me leave, 
sir, to put home God's charge to you, as one of his 
Joshuas in these parts, Joshua, 1. 7, 8. Tu ne cede 
malis, sed contra audentior ito. God hath given you, 
as him, yea as all the saints, a sure promise, not to leave 
nor forsake you. Let us all repass the same to his 
majesty in haec verba. And cast all your cares on him 
that careth for you, and hath carried them and that 
talent of lead, all the saints' sins, as the scape goat into 
the wilderness, yea into the bottom of the sea. But I 
hold a wax candle before heaven's lamp. My tender 
respects to your soul transports me. If it be an errour, 
'tis amoris. Dear sir, look up above these dusty mists, 
which each carman's cart-wheel can raise. * Made my 
due respects, I beseech you, to your dear yokefellow 
and all yours. Now the God of patience fill your souls 
with all hope and joy in believing. So prays he who 
needs more your prayers and consolations. 

Verte Folium. 

Sir, — I am sorry the former good news holds not, 
but sadder instead bears truth. The Lord give N. E. 
hearts to humble and timely look to their ways. 
Yours in all humble observance, 


Seabrook, %dof4th, 1645. 

[Superscribed by Governour Winthrop, Mr. FemvicJc and Mr. Peter, 
about my trouble, (4) 45.] 

* Make ? 

Hutchinson Papers. 25 

Worthy Sir, 

Yours by Mr. Long well received, and am 
heartily glad to understand of your health and welfare, 
which God continue to you and yours, since which time 
Mr. John Harbert is lately arrived from the Leeward 
Islands, and have according to my business interested to 
him, given me a first account of the proceeds of my 
goods, which I no ways suspect ; yet for the goods I 
directed him in return, have as yet received no satisfac- 
tion, being sold and left in the hands of one Mr. Edward 
Ting, to be sent according to directions (as he informs 
me) and Mr. Ting his letter infers so much to me sent 
by Mr. Nathaniel Long, expect them in Mr. John Parris, 
who (as yet) is not arrived. But it is somewhat strange 
to me, that Mr. Ting should give directions to Mr. Long 
to require I should bear the adventure of my goods, 
being not shipped according to order of Mr. Harbert, 
wherein I have lost the opportunity of a market, yet will 
(though Mr. Parris come unseasonably) give a receipt 
for so much received. I have been credibly informed 
by some who have been lately in your parts, that cotton 
wools did yield a better price at that time mine were 
vended; but the excuse is, that being sold in gross, 
w r ere less worth than by retail. I know assuredly, my 
parcel was much better than what was then transport- 
ed, and could have advanced more, if sent into other 
parts ; but notwithstanding, shall no ways discourage 
me (if it may stand with conveniency) to be furnished 
with such commodities as may be beneficial for this 
place, to adventure once and again (if God permit) for 
your parts, wherein I humbly crave your assistance. 
And you shall ever find me ready and willing to serve 
you in the like or any occasion wherein I may, and 
ever remain yours to be commanded. 


Barbadus, 31 Martii, 1646. 

To his worthy and much respected Friend, 
John Winthrop, Esq. these per Mr. 
John Harbert, whom God Almighty 


26 Hutchinson Papers. 

Honoured Sir, 

The occasion of my writing is a letter, which I 
received out of England from our brother Welde, who 
hath desired me to commend some things to the Court 
and yourself on his behalf, as 

1st. That he, having given a full account of all 
things received and disbursed about this colony, he 
may have an universal acquittance from you to testify 
all receipts ; and those in one paper to be specified ; 
and for his discharge and credits, he may shew it to all, 
that are concerned therein. 

2d. That the monies may be speedily sent to him, 
for which he is bound in behalf of this country ; and 
among the rest, £110, with the interest, for which he is 
bound to Mr. Sherly. 

3d. He humbly and earnestly desires, that every 
thing may be disposed to the right end, for which it was 
given. Whatsoever is meet to be done in these cases, 
I hope your pious care hath already done, or deter- 
mined, so that there shall be no need of my earnest so- 
liciting the same. For your present meeting about 
publick affairs, I could have desired some speech with 
yourself, when I was lately at the Bay ; but being urged 
to hasten my return, I could not attain it. And now it 
may happily be too late, the time being so much spent. 
Therefore I forbear particulars ; only in general, I pray 
God so to guide you all, that with sweet consent you 
may express your confidence and courage against all 
malignant spirits, and your tender care to give all due 
content to all godly and quiet persons, though some 
have unwarily been troubled and stirred by the subtilty 
of malcontents. Thus with my service I commit you to 
God, resting yours in him to command. 


Rowly, 8 of 9, 47. 

Intend not these sudden and short lines any further 
than to yourself; only entreating that the things may be 
commended to our Honoured Court. 

Hutchinson Papers. 27 

S IR5 — Since the writing of this, 1 thought myself 
bound to acquaint you, that there is not a little discourse 
raised, and by some offence taken at the late divorce 
granted by the Court. How weighty a business that 
is, as I need not tell you, so I would humbly desire, 
that some course may be taken so to clear the Court's 
proceeding, as that rumours might be stopped, and let- 
ters of mistake into England prevented. For myself, I 
am altogether ignorant of the manner of your proceed- 
ing about it, and therefore can say nothing to it. 

To the Right Worshipful our Honoured \ 
Governour , John Winthrop, Esq. > 
these present. ) 

This writing indented, witnesseth that John 
Winthrop, Governour of the Massachusetts, in New 
England, by and with the order and consent of Mrs. 
Susanna Winslow, wife of Mr. Edward Winslow of 
Marshfield, and his agent in this time of his absence 
in England, for good and valuable consideration 
had and received from Mr. John Mainford of the 
Island of Barbados, merchant, have put off and sold 
unto the said John Mainford, one Indian man, called 
Hope, servant to the said Mr. Winslow, to have and to 
hold to him the said John Mainford, his executors and 
assigns, being Englishmen and no other, according to 
the orders and customs of English servants in the said 
Island, both for maintenance and other recompense, for 
and during the full term of ten years from the day of the 
date hereof. In witness whereof, the parties to these 
presents interchangeably have put their hands and 
seals. Dated this 12 (1 1) 1647. 

JNO. MAINFFORT. [seal.] 

Witness, George Maning. 

[The draft is in the Governour's hand writing; but the original 
signature of the purchaser is very plain. This Indian was probably 
a child, taken ten years before in the war against the Pequots. Ed.] 

28 Hutchinson Papers, 


God having somewhat above a year since as 
you may have understood, disposed of by death, Mons. 
d'Aunay of happy memory, my most honoured lord and 
husband, I was left under uncomfortable displeasure, 
and saw no means in the world to mitigate my grief in 
such a troublesome state; but the king, out of his bounty, 
casting his eyes upon my family, was pleased to consider 
me and my children in the person of Mons. de Charni- 
zay, father of the deceased Mons. d'Aunay, and to 
gratify us with his letters patents of confirmation in the 
propriety and government of all the Acady and islands 
adjacent : to this purpose promising us his royal pro- 
tection, and the succour of his power, as already it doth 
appear by the notable assistance of victuals and men, 
which are come unto us under the conduct of Sieur de 
St. Mas, our lieutenant. I believed, sirs, that (as you, 
under the relation of good neighbours and allianced, 
would have taken part with me in my desolation) it was 
just that I should give you to understand the favours 
which I receive from God and his majesty, and this is 
the only occasion of this present and of the message 
which I send unto you by Sieur de Bel Isle, a man of 
quality and desert, in whom I do confide, who will as- 
sure you of the good intentions which I have to do you 
service, and of my purpose to maintain that good in- 
telligence which was between us in the time of Mons. 
d'Aunay. Thus praying God to preserve you, I rest, 
Sirs, your most affectionate and good friend, 


Widow of the deceased Mons. d'Aunay. 
From Port Royal, this 27th May, 1651. 

To the Gentlemen, Governours and Magistrates ) 
of Ncio England, at Boston. ] 

[And further endorsed, Madam le Dony letter.] 

[The signature only of this letter is in the handwriting of d'Aulnay's i 
wife ; and in that his name is spelt d'Aunay. Mons. de Charnizay, 
his father, spells the name d'Aunay. 

Did Bel Isle derive its name from Mons. de Bel Isle above-mentioned?] 

Hutchinson Papers. 29 

Matthewes' Defence. 

To the first charge here mentioned, — I do believe 
and profess, that all sins, of all persons, both under the 
law and under the gospel, are to be reproved, both in 
unbelievers and others. 

And if any words, at any time, in any place, among 
any persons, have fallen from my lips, or pen, which in 
the judgment of any seem to sound otherwise, I do not 
own them as my judgment. 

To the second charge here, — If the works of the law 
could be performed according to the true meaning of 
the law, they would not be damning evils, but ways of 
life, but the contempt or dependence of or upon the 
works of the law or of the gospel for justification, I 
do believe are to be accounted damning evils. If any 
words of mine sound otherwise, I approve them not. 

To the third charge, concerning loving the things 
that are in the world, — When I said that there is no love 
due to the things of the world, I spake from the words 
of John, 1 John, 2. 15, whence I conceive the Spirit of 
God doth mean the honours, pleasures and profits of 
the world, and that he doth nowhere forbid any to love 
persons according to the relations wherein they may 
stand to them, either conjugal, parental, filial, fraternal 
or Christian. 

To the fourth charge here mentioned, — The apostle 
saith, that no other foundation can any man lay than 
Jesus Christ (that is to say, for justification or salvation) 
1 Cor. 3. 11. And as for the Scriptures, I acknowledge 
no Christ but such a one as is revealed in the Scriptures. 
And as for believing unto justification, I acknowledge 
no other faith (in men of years) than such as resteth on 
Christ declared in the word of grace by the Scriptures. 
When we read, that the churches are built upon the 
foundations of the prophets and apostles, I do conceive 
(under favour) that they are called foundations, in that 
they laid Christ for the foundation. If any word of mine 

30 Hutchinson Papers. 

may seem to ' sound otherwise, 1 would be understood 
according to these expressions. 

To the last charge, concerning variety of righteous- 
nesses, — When I said, that saints have more variety of 
righteousnesses than Christ hath, it was in the explica- 
tion of the word in Isaiah 45. 24, which, in the original, 
is in the plural number, righteousnesses. Surely in the 
Lord have I righteousnesses and strength; not that 
they have more variety of righteousnesses than he hath to 
give ; but because they have from him, beside inherent 
righteousness and moral righteousness, imputative right- 
eousness also, which he needed not for himself. 

Such are the conceptions and confessions of 


Boston, 17th 4th m. 1651. — Upon serious considera- j 
tion of the charges brought in against Mr. Matthewes, 
together with the answers to them by himself given, as J 
also upon conference with himself concerning the same, 
we, the committee, yet remain much unsatisfied, finding I 
several particulars weak, unsafe and unsound, and not 
retracted by him, some whereof are contained in this 
paper, with his last deliberate answer thereunto. 


15th 8th, 51. — Being by providence absent, when 
the committee examined Mr. Mathewes' case, being 
personally present before them, I cannot speak but only 
to what appeareth by the writings, and having, with the 
committee, perused them, I do fully agree with what 
they have returned to the Court. 


Hutchinson Papers, 31 

A Note of some Particulars of the Accusations brought 
against Mr, Mathewes, being delivered by him as fol~ 
loweth, and owned by himself in his Answer, 

1st Charge, For my part I do reprove no sin in per- 
sons under the gospel, but unbelief, because all sins are 
included in unbelief, nor persuade to any duty but to 
faith, because he that will believe, will obey. 

Mr, Mathewes his Answer, I mean all sins of all men 
ought to be reproved, both of believers and others, but 
I do justify the words to be truth, as the extent of faith 
was then opened. 

Charge, The works of the law are a damning evil. 

Ans, I do justify the words with the explanation, 
which J then delivered, that the works of the law are a 
damning evil, if contemned, or depended upon. 

Charge, There is no love due to the things of the 

Ans. I meant of conjugal love, excepting persons, 
meaning things only. 

Charge, The gospel of grace and the sacred Scrip- 
tures are a false foundation of faith to build our justifi- 
cation upon. 

Ans, The Scriptures are the foundation of dogmati- 
cal and historical faith, but not of saving faith. 

Charge, The saints have more variety of righteous- 
ness than Christ hath. 

To the Honoured Court, 

Marmaduke Matthewes humbly sheweth, 

That through mercy I am in some measure 
sensible of my great insufficiency to declare the counsel 
of God unto his people, (as I ought to do) and how 
(through the darkness and ignorance that is in me) I 
am very apt to let fall some expressions that are weak 

32 Hutchinson Papers. 

and inconvenient ; and I do acknowledge, that in several 
of those expressions, referred to the examination of the 
honoured committee, I might (had the Lord seen it 
so good) have expressed and delivered myself in terms 
more free from exception ; and it is my desire (the 
Lord strengthening) as much as in me lieth, to avoid 
all appearances of evil therein for time to come, as in all 
other respects whatsoever ; which, that I may do, I 
humbly desire your hearty prayers to God for me, and 
in special, that 1 may take heed to the ministry com- 
mitted to me, that I may fulfil it to the praise of God, 
and profit of his people. 

Your humble servant in any service of Christ, 


28. 8. 1651. 

To my much Honoured Friend, Mr. Edward \ 
Rawson, at his house in Boston, these > 
present. ) 

L. S. 

This is to let you understand, that we have done 
nothing at all in any of our business we went about, but 
are delayed from time to time. The Parliament sitteth 
but four hours in a day, and four days in a week, and 
they do nothing at all that concerns the publick good. 
Their publick faith, that they took up money upon at 
the beginning of the Parliament, is now not regarded. 
Now every man is for himself, but none for the publick 
good ; not a publick spirit amongst them. They do 
nothing now but give lands and livings one to another, 
and to officers of the army, to stop their mouths that 
they should not stir. Massey is broke out of the Tower, 
and the rest that were taken at Worcester fight re- 
main in prison still ; and it is thought they dare not try 
them, for fear lest themselves should be discovered, they 

Hutchinson Papers, 33 

being all thought to be tardy in one kind or another. 
If so be the Lord do not stir up the soldiery to purge the 
House again, or to get a new representative, there will 
never be any thing done by this Parliament that is good. 
They make themselves rich, and that is all they do. 
King's lands, and Bishops', Deans' and delinquents' 
lands sold, and debts not paid, but very few, nor heavy 
burdens taken off. I could write a great deal more to 
you of the carriage of things, but I dare not. Those that 
went to Holland in the Bishops' days, as Thomas Good- 
win, Nye, and Simson, &c. will prove as great persecu- 
tors as the Bishops. A word to the wise is sufficient. 

There is little news to you at this time, only we 
hear that there was five ships came from the East In- 
dies, and be gone into Plimouth, and Sir George Askew 
and his fleet with them, and there is eighty sail of Hol- 
landers followed them into the harbour, and hath block- 
ed them up there, and General Blake is gone after Van 
Trump I know not whither. It is feared, there is still 
some treachery on foot. Massey could not get out of 
the Tower, without the consent of some. Many do 
fear, there will be a turn of things. All people are 
mightily discontented, and well they may. The Pres- 
byterians are continually plotting of mischief one way, 
and the Independents another ; but both against Christ 
and his kingdom. Their master Christ's condition, and 
the apostles', will not serve their turn. It is too mean a 
condition for them. It seems they deserve more than 
they did. No less than 500 or 700 pound a year will 
serve them. And rather than they will part with this, 
and submit themselves to a mean condition, they will 
plead and do for Baal again, and set up that again, 
which formerly they threw down, and all for their 
honour and the filling of their bellies. But let them 
alone, God will search them out in the end, without a 
candle. They had so daubed our churches with un- 
tempered mortar by their flattery, that when we came 
to London, they began all to be corrupted, and to be in 
a lukewarm condition, ready to be rent to pieces. But 

34 Hutchinson Papers, 

by Mr. Clark's means, under God, they are pretty well 
recovered again. Mr. Clark in conference or dispute 
is too hard for them all ; both Anabaptists, Independents 
and Presbyterians ; there is none of them dare to meddle 
with hirn now. If it had not been for him, they had 
made the churches of Christ and the world all one 
again, through their cunning ; but he hath so foiled 
them, that they begin to be ashamed of themselves. 
He is a precious man, one of a thousand. He is a man 
free for dispute upon any point, whatsoever it be. He 
and I am to go down into the country very shortly to dis- 
pute the points of freewill, and universal redemption, 
and spiritual baptism, and seeking, and some other 
points. The good Lord go along with us, that our 
labour and travel may not be in vain. Let us hear from 
you as often as you can, either one way or another. 
Good news from vou to us will be as showers of rain 
upon the new-mown grass. I am partly promised a 
place in the Tower of £50 per annum, but had we 
liberty of conscience with you, I had rather be there 
with j£20 per annum. But the will of the Lord be done. 
From the Golden Taylor's Shears in the upper end 
of Shoe Lane, near Holborn, this 7 of 7ber, 1652. 
Your loving father-in-law, 


There is a book newly put out against Mr. Peters, 
and another against the Judges, and lawyers, and courts, 
setting out their unjust dealings and proceedings with 
men ; all being stark naught, worse for the subject than 
it was in the King's days, excepting only that we enjoy 
the liberty of our consciences, to practise what we con- 
ceive to be truth for the present. How long it will 
continue, I know not. 

Remember me to all my friends, to Mr. Clark, the 
chirurgeon, and to Mr. Huson, and to your cousin, and 
to all other whatsoever. 1 pray will you remember 
Nathaniel to forward him, and help him what you can. 
Remember me to your wife, and to all the rest of your 

Hutchinson Papers. 35 

brethren and sisters. Send me word how all the chil- 
dren do. There are some ships now come in from Bar- 
badoes, but I have not yet spoken with Mr. Cole, whether 
there be any letters come to me, yea or no. 

Tell your wife my uncle Richard Briscoe is dead, 
about a fortnight since, here. 

Loving son, my loving respects remembered unto you, 
hoping that both you and all yours, and all that are re- 
lated to me with you, are in health, as I myself am at 
this present, blessed be God for it. 

To his very loving son-in-law, \ * m r^O-^Q-i 

Mr. Thomas Broughton, at > lluJOOl 

his house in Boston, these. ) 

This, as it is interlined and margined, is a true copy verba- 
tim of that letter of Nathaniel Briscoe to Mr. Thomas Brough- 
ton as it was presented to the council here in N. E. and by 
their order sent by Edward Rawson, Secretary, to the Speaker 
of the Parliament of England, the Honourable Wm. Lenthall, 
as do witness, upon due and serious examination and comparing 
of this with the original, once and again, by us both together. 
The 11th of March, 1652—3. 


EDWARD RAWSON, Secretary. 

Which we are ready to depose, if need require, the same time. 
EDWARD RAWSON, Secretary. 

Honoured Sir, 

We received your letter bearing date the 15th 
of April, 1652, written in the behalf of Mr. William Pin- 
cheon, who is one that we did all love and respect. But 
his book and the doctrine therein contained we cannot 
but abhor as pernicious and dangerous ; and are 
much grieved, that such an erroneous pamphlet was 
penned by any New England man, especially a Magis- 
trate amongst us, wherein he taketh upon him to con- 
demn the judgment of most, if not of all, both ancient and 

36 Hutchinson Papers. 

modern divines, who were learned, orthodox and godly, 
in a point of so great weight and concernment, as tends 
to the salvation of God's elect, and the contrary which 
he maintains to the destruction of such as follow it. 
Neither have we ever heard of any one godly orthodox 
divine, that ever held what he hath written ; nor do we 
know any one of our ministers in all the four jurisdictions, 
that doth approve of the same, but do all judge it as 
erroneous and heretical. And to the end that we might 
give satisfaction to all the world of our just proceedings 
against him, and for the avoiding of any just offence to 
be taken against us, we caused Mr. John Norton, teacher 
of the church of Ipswich, to answer his book fully, which, 
if it be printed, we hope it will give your honoured self 
and all indifferent men full satisfaction. 

Mr. Pincheon might have kept his judgment to him- 
self, as it seems he did above thirty years, most of which 
time he hath lived amongst us with honour, much respect, 
and love. But when God left him to himself in the pub- 
lishing and spreading of his erroneous books here amongst 
us, to the endangering of the faith of such as might come 
to read them, (as the like effects have followed the read- 
ing of other erroneous books brought over into these 
parts,) we held it our duty, and believe we were called 
of God, to proceed against him accordingly. And this 
we can further say, and that truly, that we used all law- 
ful Christian means with as much tenderness, respect and 
love as he could expect, which, we think, he himself will 
acknowledge. For we desired divers of our elders, 
such as he himself liked, to confer with him privately, 
lovingly, and meekly, to see if they could prevail with 
him by arguments from the Scriptures, which accordingly 
was done ; and he was then thereby so far convinced, 
that he seemed to yield for substance the case in contro- 
versy, signed with his own hand. And for the better 
confirming of him in the truth of God, Mr. Norton left 
with him a copy of the book he writ in answer to him ; 
and the Court gave him divers months to consider, both 
of the book, and what had been spoken .unto him by the 

Hutchinson Papers. 37 

elders. But in the interim (as it is reported) he receiv- 
ed letters from England which encouraged him in his 
errours, to the great grief of us all, and of divers others of 
the people of God amongst us. We therefore leave the 
author, together with the fautors and maintainers of 
such opinions, to the great Judge of all the earth, who 
judgeth righteously and is no respecter of persons. 
Touching that which your honoured self doth advise us 
unto, viz. not to censure any persons for matters of a 
religious nature or concernment, we desire to follow any 
good advice or counsel from you, or any of the people 
of God, according to the rule of God's word. Yet 
we conceive, with submission still to better light, that 
we have not acted in Mr. Pincheon's case, either for 
substance or circumstance, as far as we can discern, 
otherwise than according unto rule, and as we believe 
in conscience to God's command we were bound to do. 
All which, we hope, will so far satisfy you, as that we 
shall not need to make any further defence touching this 
subject. The God of peace and truth lead you into 
all faith, and guide your heart aright in these dan- 
gerous and apostatizing times, wherein many are fallen 
from the faith, giving heed to errours, and make you 
an instrument (in the place God hath called you 
unto) of his praise, to stand for his truth against all 
opposers thereof, which will bring you peace and com- 
fort in the saddest hours, which are the prayers of, sir, 
Your unworthy servants, 

20 October, 1652. THO. DUDLEY, Detfty. 

Past by the Council. RICH, BELLINGHAM. 


[Indorsed in the same clerical hand, The copy of a letter to Sir 
Henry Vane.] 


38 Hutchinson Papers. 

To the honoured General Court held at Boston. 

We, the humble petitioners of the church and town 
of Woburn, with such whose names are under writ, do 
show : that whereas God, the only wise and sovereign 
Disposer of all things, having cast the lines of our habi- 
tations under the enjoyment of so great privileges of so 
happy a government, wherein the clear administration 
of justice doth run in its native channel, with an impar- 
tial distribution in all faithfulness to all, whereby our 
tranquillity is much promoted, and we sit with our 
families under our vines and fig trees in peace, that im- 
partial mercy of these days : as also considering the 
great care of religion, which we gladly acknowledge 
well-beseeming Christian magistrates, being God's minis- 
ters, ought to respect God's interest, that his sacred 
word and ordinances be not profanely vilified by the 
contumacy of pernicious spirits, to God's great dishonour 
and the endangering the precious soul of man ; and now 
that God should dignify us to share in those privileges, 
wherein is seen the favourable face of God to this com- 
monweal, and each true-hearted member of the same : 
the which privilege of godly government is given of God 
through Christ as one of his great blessings, carrying 
alway a treasure of mercy and blessing in it ; the which 
that it should be our portion we desire now and at all 
times to acknowledge it with all thankfulness, to God, 
the great efficient, and to you all, the blessed instruments, 
the fathers of our country, preservers of our lives, liber- 
ties and interest. Nevertheless, the wise God is oft- 
times pleased to admit some mixture to be intermingled 
with our sweetest and dearest contents, writing with 
his own divine hand imperfection on the greatest suffi- 
ciencies of this sublunary world, even among his own 
saints in their purest societies and actions, to humble the 
creature, that they may know themselves and their need 
of daily assistance from him, and to long the more after 

Hutchinson Papers. 39 

our Father's mansions, where only all imperfection 
shall be done away. 

Wherefore, much honoured, we most humbly crave 
liberty, with a spirit of meekness, to express a few dif- 
fering thoughts touching an order that of late hath past 
the vote among you, to solicit your wisdoms against the 
same, professing ourselves sorry that we are necessitated 
hereunto : which, if we could have pacified our con- 
sciences and preserved our hopes of our future enjoy- 
ment of our liberties, we should most gladly have rested 
in silence rather than have busied ourselves and troubled 
your patience on this wise : especially considering the 
evil of these days, wherein so many belch forth their 
venom against government, and the proneness of many 
to be murmuring, especially on every little occasion, 
against their superiors, so adding hard measure to the 
burden of the magistracy by their evil acceptance ; or 
do we desire to manifest a spirit of harshness or perti- 
nacy, but rather with meekness, as briefly as we may, 
entreating you as fathers, who ought not to provoke 
children, that your wisdoms would be. pleased of your 
clemency to review the said order touching such as shall 
be called forth to preach publickly and constantly in 
places, as also what is expressed, under correction, by 
your humble petitioners as grounds of our dislike. The 
order seems to us to yield a full and fair sense in itself, 
and for any to tell us it only respects new plantations, 
the calling of private persons to constant and publick 
preaching and not church officers, the advice of elders in 
a way of communion of churches, &c. the order seems 
clearly to us to render these things over scant to reach 
forth any covering of satisfaction in the case. The pre- 
face indeed specifies plantations at their beginning, yet 
even then they may be church if not churches. Is it 
not as correspondent to the rule for such as exercise at 
such beginnings to be brethren approved by the church 
of which they are members, who best knows their abili- 
ties? Yet the order saith expressly, that no person 
within this jurisdiction shall undertake any constant 

40 Hutchinson Papers. 

course of publick preaching or prophesying without the 
approbation of the elders of four the next churches, or 
of the county court ; whereby it is evident to us that 
whatever church within this jurisdiction shall call any 
person to the work of publick and constant teaching, to 
such is the order directed : and for some to say it is 
such as undertake the work, and not such as accept of 
a call, surely no man can accept of a call but he must 
undertake the work to which he is called. And for the 
counsel of elders in a way of communion of churches^ 
surely we cannot disallow of advice in difficult cases ; 
but if this be the right of it we humbly crave help to see 
it : for here is not the counsels of churches but appro- 
bation of elders : again, not of elder absolute but of the 
county court. By virtue hereof churches need not go 
to elders for advice in a way of communion of churches, 
but if they will to the county court. Again, we see not 
that there is always necessarily so much difficulty in the 
case as to need the counsel of other churches. Further- 
more, we conceive this is not so much a counsel declara- 
tive, binding only from the authority of Christ's rule ; 
for so they bind no further than they can make it fasten 
by convicting demonstration : but an approbation injunc- 
tive, and so issuperiorative, binding from their authority 
from whence it doth proceed ; forasmuch as it is that 
which must be heard and must [be] set down as an ab- 
solute positive injunction by virtue hereof on penalty of 
civil prohibition or censure, without any arbitracy or 
indifferency in it. And whereas some say preachers are 
not hereby thrust upon churches, yet may they be easily 
thrust from churches against their wills ; and in a sense 
upon churches, for they must take such as others approve 
of or none : and if a church, by being hereby interrupted 
as she may think unduly, sit still in discouragement, what 
must then be done ? 

Wherefore we humbly crave liberty to urge a few 
reasons for what we express, as in our weak sense we 
are able. With submission [to] better judgments we 
thus conceive : 

Hutchinson Papers. 41 

First. It tends to the circumvention of the liberty of 
the church of Christ in interrupting the free course of 
election and ordination of teaching officers : for though 
it say no person shall ; yet the same stroke that hits the 
person called smites also the persons calling : for, no 
undertaking any such course of teaching by any person 
in this jurisdiction without said approbation — then no 
election or ordination to that work but with the said ap- 
probation. And this we cannot but conceive to be a 
taking the free course of church liberty into the hand of 
civil authority and whom they shall be pleased to bestow 
it upon. And for the civil magistrate to meddle here- 
with, or work any interruption in the free course of the 
said liberty, before a church discover any variation from 
a rule in her action by leaving her liberty and com- 
mitting any practical or fundamental errour of evil con- 
sequence : let the pretence be what it will, we cannot 
but humbly show our fears, entreating our boldness may 
be without offence : we cannot but conceive it to be a 
crossing the lines of their authority, and a coming in to 
intermeddle before Christ call them hereunto. 

Again, whatever liberty may fall in a due proportion 
with this, may by the same rule of proportion and con- 
sequence be interrupted. And we see nothing but all 
the liberty of the brotherhood in exercising their privi- 
lege in the church, or their gift, publickly or privately 
either, may, by the same rule of proportion and conse- 
quence, be interrupted : provided that for number and 
manner it may be rendered publick and constant in their 
apprehension that may be in place to judge of it. And 
though the Court may intend no such thing, yet if it 
may be screwed up to such a thing or fair beginning 
toward it, though persons now in place be godly and 
may act more regular and moderately in it, yet never 
let us live to follow engages that which posterity may 
rue when men of worse conceits may be in place : but 
seeing the first age of our church and government may 
probably be exemplary, God grant for good and no 
future danger. 


42 Hutchinson Papers. 

2. We see not any ground in God's word for any 
such power of the civil authority to call ecclesiastical 
cases to trial before the word of God sentence them ; 
and whatever is acted this way by the civil magistrate 
to prevent errour, or in what pretence soever, if it be not 
warranted by God's word, it will not be sanctified by 
his Spirit for good : but as all bounds have their an- 
tipathies, the more violent from the enmity of contrary 
principles, so those will never hold that have not good 
foundation, but rather cause a greater inundation than 
any good effect. 

3. It seems to us to vary from a rule of Christ, for 
if the church have free liberty of election and ordina- 
tion, as God's word is most clear, then sure of approba- 
tion, according to the rule also ; and sure the apostle, 
1 Cor. 14, tells us who should judge ; Let, saith he, the 
prophets prophesy one by one, and the rest judge. 
They that hear can best judge of doctrine and person, 
and the church can best discern whom they can close 
withal as ministers of food to their souls. 

4. We see not that in reason in it to answer the end 
propounded by it. For how can elders of other 
churches perform this work ? Say the next ; yet may 
some, it may be, be twenty mile or more remote. The 
man perhaps they never saw, his voice they never heard ; 
yet must they be they that must approve. Again, sup- 
pose elders and magistrates grow corrupt, where shall 
we be then ? Surely churches have the promise of per- 
severance also. And what is it some men may call 
heresy ? Surely we will never credit all heresygraphers 
for his sake who inserts Chereas into his catalogue for 
apostolical prelacy. If to stand for church's liberty 
against classical usurpation, come to be accounted here- 
sy, surely after the ways such men call heresy, so wor- 
ship we God, believing all things written in his word. 

5. It seems to us to give a supremacy where Christ 
gives none. For who is supreme but such as must be 
sought to, and who is inferiour but they that must prosti- 
tute themselves thus to seek unto. Touching mutual 

Hutchinson Papers. 43 

approbation, we conceive churches are to come to the 
rule in their action ; and so is the magistrate, and so in 
their mutual approbation, to bear witness each with 
other that their walking is with a right foot, as becomes 
the gospel : if they find any gone from the rule, with a 
spirit of meekness to help them to it again. But now 
for a church to perform an act proportionable to a rule, 
as in calling a teacher qualified in measure answering a 
rule, for, who is sufficient for these things — and to carry 
forth the act to civil approbation is not, as we conceive, 
to meet at the rule, but to carry forth the rule and act 
performed hereby to the judgment and authority of man. 
Surely the power of Christ in his church is most 
supreme. It is the throne of his presence, where he 
is more immediately present than in the purest civil 
throne on earth. The civil throne is subservient to his 
throne ; and whilst churches keep to the rule, they keep 
to their power and privilege. Our civil power, they 
must not touch them. If they forsake the rule, they lose 
their power, then the civil power may help them to it 
again : and for men of bold and erroneous spirits, if any 
such set up themselves (or be set up by others) as can 
neither skilfully nor soundly divide the word of truth, 
who esteem pernicious prating their greatest eminency ; 
such we judge the very plague of God on many frothy 
professors of these days, and the presence of heaven go 
with the endeavours of all civil magistrates against such 
creatures and beasts of prey. But till churches swerve 
from the truth in their action, we cannot see why their 
proceedings should be brought to trial to be pronounced 
upon without any accusation. Thus, honoured fathers, 
we humbly crave a redress, or that our ignorance may 
be helpt by clearing the order from a rule, and satisfying 
the reasons propounded ; and that you would be pleased 
to pardon our boldness in exercising so much of your 
charity and patience, and wherein we have overshot 
ourselves to impute our errour rather to our ignorance 
than any stubbornness of ours, who desire no more than 
what we believe to be the truth of Christ : the which 

44 Hutchinson Papers. 

truth that it may be defended by your authority we hope 
through the help of Christ to be ever ready to defend 
the same to our power. In the mean time, we render 
praise to God for your zeal and courage, and his pres- 
ence with you and blessing upon your godly endeavours 
hitherto, humbly craving his further blessings upon you, 
and that you and we may be so assisted with the same, 
as that you in governing and we in subjecting, may glo- 
rify God by doing the work of our generation ; that none 
of us may outlive their perseverance, but all of us bring 
forth more fruit in our age ; that in the end of our days 
we may receive that joyful approbation, Well done, good 
and faithful servant, enter thou into the joy of thy Lord. 
And thus we rest, commending of you and all your 
affairs, publick and domestick, to the guidance and ac- 
ceptance of God omnipotent. So prays your humble 



* [This is the person, as is believed, who became afterwards a minister of 
the Baptist denomination. The principles developed in the remonstrance, 
to which his name is here attached, had become ruling views with those 
especially, who, on that very account, removed from Massachusetts and 
founded the colony of Rhode Island. These principles were avowed in 
Charlestown by a few, who were soon treated with very considerable severity. 
One of their number writes in 1670, " The Lord hath given us another elder, 
one John Russell, senior, a gracious, wise and holy man that lives at Woburn, 
where we have five brethren more that can meet with him, and they meet to- 
gether a first days when they cannot come to us, [at Noddle's Island,] and 
I hear there are some more there looking that way with them." Mr. Russell 
appears to have removed to Charlestown and thence to Boston, where he 
died, December 21, 1GS0, having been ordained only the preceding year, on 
the 28th of July. His " gifts and graces were not small," says the historian 
of the Baptists, "and his memory is precious." He published a "Narra- 
tive," now very scarce. Backus, Hist. Bap. vol. i. p. 492, &c. Ed ] 

Hutchinson Papers, 45 


Woburn, August 30, 1653. 

The committee conceive the thing petitioned for is in agita- 
tion in the Court, and therefore leave the answer unto their 


To the Honoured Governour and Magistrates, 

Michael Powell, your humble servant, desires you 
of your clemency to read these few lines. 

When the providence of the Almighty settled me in 
Boston, I intended to join with that church ; but finding 
that myself and wife did give offence in crowding into 

46 Hutchinson Papers. 

their seats that were former inhabitants, I endeavoured 
by the elders to be directed where we might sit without 
offence ; but they not finding any spare room, and the 
new meeting house being built, and myself being invited 
to join with others to gather a church, which was done 
by the advice and approbation of the Reverend Mr. 
Cotton and Mr. Wilson ; we all not doubting but Mr. 
Samuel Mather would have joined in office with us, as 
he pretended ; but he failing us, we were not wanting to 
seek for supply elsewhere, as your worships know. 
Meanwhile, finding that it was burthensome to the elders 
constantly to supply the place, and oft the place was not 
supplied, myself (unworthy) being called of the brethren, 
thought I was called of God, to improve my one talent— 
with this promise to the church, that I would supply the 
place but when or till we could not [be] better supplied 
otherwise, which we still endeavoured. Now, honoured 
in the Lord, I finding assistance and acceptation far be- 
yond deserts or expectation, went on ; my chief encour- 
agement being some fruit that some professed they reap- 
ed by my poor labours. Now the brethren being out of 
other hopes, motioned calling me to office — a strange 
motion to me. So they gave me a call. I desired time 
to consider of it, meanwhile seeking for guidance from 
the Lord. I did think there was a finger of God in it, 
which I durst not deny, though weak and unworthy, 
yet knowing who had all power. I accepted of the call, 
I say, with much fear and trembling, upon these terms, 
that if the magistrates and elders did approve and con- 
sent thereunto. Now finding that the then honoured 
General Court did advise us to forbear, we were satisfied, 
and fully resolved to follow that advice. I not forward 
to take such a charge upon me, hence the injunction of I 
the County Court was sad unto me. Now, honoured in J 
the Lord, I hearing that some reports are come to your 
ears, that we intend to proceed, notwithstanding court 
or county ; it is no small sadness to my spirit that it 
should be so thought or spoken. Such a thing never 

Hutchinson Papers. 47 

yet entered into my thoughts, nor words into my ears ; 
if any such words have dropt from any, 'tis more than 
I know. God forbid I should be cause of any disturb- 
ance in the country. I have not so learned Christ. By 
help from God I will study peace and follow it. I had 
rather be followed to my grave than unto that which 
crosses the rule of Christ, or disturbs the peace of the 

Honoured fathers of this commonwealth, my humble 
request is that you would not have such hard thoughts 
of me, that I would consent to be ordained to office 
without your concurrence ; nor that our poor church 
would attempt such a thing without your approbation ; 
but that under you we may still (as we have) live a quiet 
life in godliness and honesty. Thus desiring your fa- 
vourable aspect, humbly desiring pardon of my boldness, 
desiring the Lord to guide you and prosper all your 
pious endeavours for the peace of this commonweal 
and for our poor orphan church, I shall ever be at your 
worships' command in the Lord. 


Received 6 September, 1653. 

Worthy and Honoured in the Lord, 

I understanding by our Deputy of a motion 
propounded in the Court in the behalf of Mrs. Nowell, 
being glad also that God hath put it into the hearts of 
any to take into consideration the estates and posterities 
of those that have been useful in the country, (it being 
but equal, that those who have spent themselves for the 
country's good, should also partake of some benefit 
thereby,) 1 do seriously desire the motion already pro- 
pounded may find favour in your eyes and in the eyes 
bf all ; — -and withal do further entreat you would please, 
both of you, to take into consideration the condition of 
iVIrs. Flint, the widow of worthy Mr. Flint deceased, 

48 Hutchinson Papers. 

who served in the same office of magistrate many years, 
and never received of the country any recompense, he 
dying immediately before the late allowance was granted 
by the Court. And whatsoever considerations may 
move for the behalf of her who is now propounded, the 
same are available for the other also. And some things 
there are which may persuade on this side more effectu- 
ally, both in regard of a great family of children, and 
the great decay of his estate which he brought into this 
country, (being about £2000,) which now is come to 
very little in comparison of what it was. Other things 
there are which I could mention, but I will spare, leaving 
the consideration thereof to your godly wisdoms, desir- 
ing God, the Judge of all, for to guide you in all your 
judgments betwixt man and man, that both in this and 
all other your occasions, you may do that which is just 
and right in his sight. And so, taking leave, I rest 
your worships' in any service for Christ, 


November 9, 1655. 

[In the margin.] 

Remember his example, of whom it was said, he did not 
leave off to shew kindness to the living and to the dead. 
Ruth ii. 20. 

Since my writing of that before, there have been 
some with me complaining of the rudeness and disobedi- 1 
ence of their servants, and concerning some children 
also that live under their parents' government, and yet 
they take liberty to be abroad in the nights, and run in- 
to other sinful miscarriages, not to be suffered under a 
Christian government. And because some say that one 
particular magistrate cannot punish such disorder in a 
private town, unless complaint be first made to the 
Court, (which I did think had been otherwise,) this is- 
now to desire you would please to take these things 
into consideration, and to make some order (if it be not' 

Hutchinson Papers, 49 

done already) whereby every magistrate may have au- 
thority to correct such offences, in the parent or master 
that suffers any under them to be abroad at unseasona- 
ble times, by laying a fine or pecuniary mulct upon 
them, and in the younger sort which do break forth 
into the disorder, by whipping, or otherwise, as the wis- 
dom of the Court shall think meet. It is time to begin 
with more severity than hath been, unless we will see 
a confusion and ruin coming upon all. 1 make bold 
thus to present my mind unto you. I trust you will 
favourably accept my good intentions therein. 

P. B. 

To the Right Worshipful Mr. Endicott, 
Governour, and Mr. Bellingham, Deputy 
Governour, give these. 

We, whose names are hereunto subscribed, being by 
order of the General Court appointed a Committee to in- 
quire concerning the maintenance of the ministers of the 
churches in the county of Suffolk, having attended there- 
unto, do make our return accordingly, as followeth, viz. 

We being met at Braintree, 22d of July, 1657, 
were informed by the deacon of the church of Hingham, 
that the church allow unto Mr. Hubbert <£90 per an- 
num, paid one third part in wheat, and one third part in 
pease, and one other third part in Indian corn and rye, 
generally cleared in payment once in the year, Mr. 
Hubbert's family being about twelve persons, he neither 
sow nor plant, the families in this town being about one 

By the deacon of Weymouth informed, that Mr. 
Thatcher is allowed £100 per annum, paid in all sorts 
of corn, and for the most part cleared once in the year, 
his family consisting of about seven persons, he neither 
plant nor sow, the town being about sixty families. 


50 Hutchinson Papers. 

By the deacons of Braintree informed, that Mr. Flint 
and Mr. Thompson are each of them allowed £55 per 
annum, paid generally in such things as themselves take 
up and accept of from the inhabitants, paid ordinarily 
yearly or within the year, the town being about eighty 
families, Mr. Thompson's family being three persons, 
Mr. Flint's family being about seven or eight persons. 
These elders depend generally upon publick contribu- 

Being again met at Boston, 24th of the 7th month, 
1657, by the deacon of Dorchester informed, that Mr. 
Mather is allowed <£100 per annum, paid generally at 
the end of the year in corn and part in work, as he 
need or have use. He have six or seven persons in his 
family, and have a competent stock of cattle and good 
accommodation in land for corn and hay, the town be- 
ing about one hundred and twenty families. 

By the deacon of Roxbury informed, that Mr. Elliot 
and Mr. Danforth are each of them allowed £60 per 
annum, paid generally in corn, or otherwise to their 
content, cleared in accounts ordinarily once in the year, 
Mr. Danforth's family being six persons, Mr. Elliot 
eight in his family. They both have estate in corn and 
cattle, the town consisting of about eighty families. 

By the deacon of Dedham informed, that Mr. Allin is 
allowed <£60 per annum in corn, or some in work when 
he need, generally paid in the year, his family being 
seven persons, the town being about one hundred and 
sixty-six families. Mr. Allin hath a good stock of cattle, 
and a good accommodation in corn-land and meadow. 

By the deacon of Medfield informed, that Mr. Wilson 
is allowed £50 per annum, paid generally in corn, and 
the accounts cleared ordinarily in the year. He hath 
six persons in his family, and hath cattle and corn and 
accommodation for each, the town being about forty 

Further, informed by the brethren of the new church 
in Boston, allowed to Mr. Mayhew and Mr. Powell, each 
£55 per annum, besides what helps they receive from 



Hutchinson Papers. 51 

friends, which is not settled, the families of one being 
six and of the other seven persons. 

Hull allow their minister £40 per annum, the families 
being twenty. 




[The report is in the handwriting of the first signer. Ed.] 

Right Honourable, 

These are to give your honour an account not 
only of the receipt of your honour's letter bearing 
date loth February, 1660, and the enclosed copy of his 
majesty and council's order in reference to the business 
of merchants trading into New England, but also of 
my actings thereupon. Having ordered our secretary, 
Mr. Edward Rawson, a person of known fidelity to 
his majesty, to pursue the directions therein required, 
1 doubt not but he will give your honour a satisfac- 
tory account in his returns. At the same time that I 
received your honour's letter and order, 1 also re- 
ceived from the secretary of state, Sir William Mor- 
tice, his majesty's most gracious letter in answer to 
our humble address to his majesty, with his majesty's 
order for the searching after and apprehending of Col. 
Whalley and Goffe, and sending them over in order 
to their trial for having a hand in the most horrid 
murther of our late sovereign, Charles the First, of 
glorious memory, both which I caused to be printed 
here for the better furtherance of his majesty's service. 
What our council did in order to the colonels' appre- 
hension before his majesty's order came to hand, with 
what zeal and fidelity the Lord enabled me to act in 
sending meet messengers, persons of known fidelity to 
his majesty, with instructions and true copies of his 

52 Hutchinson Papers. 

majesty's letter and order for their apprehension to the 
several governours of the other colonies, or chief magis- 
trates there, for the better accomplishment of his ma- 
jesty's just commands — an account thereof I have trans- 
mitted to the honourable secretaries of state, Sir Ed- 
ward Nicholas and Sir William Morrice, that so his 
majesty might understand the sincerity of my endea- 
vours to serve him. Our council since, having also made 
a proclamation that whosoever shall be found to have a 
hand in concealing the said colonels, or either of them, 
shall answer for the same as an offence of the highest 
nature, and caused our secretary to write unto the 
governour of New Haven, in our names, to press him 
to the discharge of his duty, (in whose jurisdiction they 
were lately seen, and as we are credibly informed by a 
report given out, that they came to surrender them- 
selves, only desired a little time to be in private by 
themselves, before which pretended time was expired, 
they were by a youth met creeping through a field of 
corn [and] made their escape.) Yet [we] are not with- 
out hope that double diligence will be used by them of 
New Haven to regain his majesty's favour, and that 
his majesty therein may have full satisfaction, which 1 
shall not be wanting to endeavour. Since the arrival 
of the last ship from England, understanding by several, 
that however we thought our address to his majesty 
had been a sufficient proclamation of his majesty, and 
manifestation of our due allegiance, yet that it was ex- 
pected from his majesty's privy council that we should 
formally proclaim his majesty here ; whereupon calling 
our General Court to make a return of their deep sense 
of the unspeakable mercy of God manifested in his 
majesty's gracious promise not only to protect and de- 
fend us in the liberties formerly granted us by his 
royal father of glorious memory, but to confirm them to 
us, and not be behind his royal predecessors, which 
engageth this poor people on all occasions to manifest 
their due obedience, and continually to be petitioners at 
the throne of grace for his majesty's long and prosper- 

Hutchinson Papers. 53 

ous reign on earth, and that an eternal crown of glory 
may be his portion in heaven when this life shall cease ; 
the court ordered also his majesty to be proclaimed 
here, which was done the next day by our secretary, in 
the best form we were capable of, to the great rejoicing 
of the people, expressed in their loud acclamations, God 
save the king ! which was no sooner ended, but a troop 
of horse, four foot companies, then in arms, expressed 
their joy in their peals ; our forts and all the ships in 
our harbour discharged, our castle concluding with 
****** all thundered out their joy. 

Right honourable, I am the bolder to give your 
honour the trouble of this short account, that so, if 
your honour- see cause, as occasions may present, your 
honour may be pleased to inform his majesty, and 
appear in our behalf to improve your interest with his 
majesty, that no complaints may make impression in his 
royal heart against us, nor any alteration imposed on 
us till we understand the said complaints, and be heard 
to speak for ourselves, which we doubt not will be 
to his majesty's satisfaction, of which your honour's 
favour I hope your honour will have no cause to re- 
pent. Myself and the people here, as in duty we are 
bound, shall become suitors to the throne of grace, that 
the Lord would be pleased to endue your honour with 
wisdom and suitable abilities to serve him and his 
majesty in your generation, and pour on your head and 
heart a rich recompense of reward ; which is the prayer 
of him that is, 

Right honourable, 
Your honour's most humble servant, 


[This letter was probably addressed to Lord Clarendon, or the 
Earl of Manchester. Ed.] 


54 Hutchinson Papers, 

Newport, the 9th of November, 1661. 

Honoured Sir, 

The last night there came a letter to my hand, 
directed to myself and court of commissioners ; and 
there being not any court of commissioners till May 
next, I did not intend to have opened it, till the court 
did meet ; but not knowing the necessity of an answer, I 
I did open the letter, and finding it to be from the re- 1 
corder, in the name and by the authority of the court, [ 
concerning a certain parcel of land, that was conquered! 
and taken from the Pequits : Sir, at our Jast court of 
commissioners, there was a petition put up by some of] 
our inhabitants for a certain parcel of land to the south- 1 
ward, which parcel of land is now in difference. Sir, in! 
that particular, I acted not in the least with them ; but 
since, notwithstanding, they have proceeded, and much 
trouble hath been betwixt them and some of yours. I 
Sir, if the land appear to be in our patent, I have a 
share in it, though not owned by ours ; and in case it 
be the conquered land, 1 have some interest in it, for my| 
money went with others' to bear the charges. But iti 
seems by both sides I aui defeated ; yet with me peace] 
is better than land, and my endeavour shall be for peacel 
what in me lies. Sir, our people that do possess the 
land, do inform me, that it is no part of the conquered! 
land, but land that doth belong to our colony, and they 
say they have bought it of the right owners. If it be so, 
I hope none of yours will molest them. Sir, the Lord 
cause us all to strive for peace in a just way. This, 
with my service, presented to your honour, I take leave,: 
and remain your servant in any office of love, 


To the Worshipful John Endecott, Esq. ) 
Govcrnour of Boston, these present. ), 

Hutchinson Papers. 55 

From London, August, 1663. At a meeting of Adven- 
turers about Cape Fayre. 

London, Thursday, August the 6th, 1663. 

^ At a meeting of several persons, who have, with 
a ) i several others of New England, subscribed themselves 

as adventurers for the carrying on a plantation in Charles 

River on the coast of Florida. 


1. Whereas a paper in the name of the right 
honourable, the Earl of Clarendon, lord high chan- 
cellor of England, George Duke of Albemarle, and 
divers other right honourable persons, to whom the 
whole coast of Florida hath been lately granted by his 
most excellent majesty, hath been sent down to the 
said adventurers, referring to certain proposals tendered 
to their said lordships, as the proper act and desires of 
the said adventurers, and being an answer to the said 
proposals; the said adventurers upon diligent inquiry, 
not being able to find out who should be the author of 
the said paper, do judge it their duty, in all humbleness, 
to acquaint their lordships, that they are altogether 
strangers to it, and know nothing of the delivery of it. 

2. That upon consideration, nevertheless, of their 
lordships' said paper, and of several concessions, privi- 
leges and immunities therein freely offered by their 

| lordships for the encouragement of the said adven- 
turers, and for the further promoting of the said planta- 
tion of Charles River ; the said adventurers cannot 
but acknowledge the greatness of the favour and conde- 
scension of their said lordships to them, upon the con- 
fidence and assurance of w T hich, they crave leave further 
to represent to their lordships, 

3. That as they were invited at first to be subscribers 
to the said plantation of Charles River, by several per- 
sons of New England ; so the great motive that did 
principally induce them to the said subscription, was the 

56 Hutchinson Papers. 

liquid and clear assurance that was given them, that the 
said New Englanders had an equitable title to the har- 
bour and soil of the said river, together with the lands ad- 
jacent ; and that though many others of quality had long 
before indeed sailed upon the coast of Florida, and had 
settled and taken possession of some other part of thai 
large and vast country ; yet that the said New Eng- 
landers, and they only, were the first that did ever, bona 
fide, set foot in that particular harbour, and that did find 
out the entrance and discovery of the said river. 

Which thing, as it hath been confidently represented 
from these of New England unto the said adventurers 
here ; so, upon the very ground of that as a truth, as also 
of the general custom in that and other plantations, (asi 
well Dutch, French, as English,) that all that buy 
lands of the chief kings in those places, (who onlyi 
challenge to themselves the having a right to the sale of I 
them,) shall enjoy the absolute benefit and property of: 
them against all persons, English or others; the said! 
New Englanders having purchased the said river andl 
soil, and lands adjacent, of the said kings, did so fan 
presume upon the interest of the said purchase, together: 
with the said discovery, as to give directions to several 
of their friends here immediately to apply to his majes- 
ty for a patent for the said river and soil, as belonging 
(according to their apprehension) of right to them, and 
as no way doubting the obtaining thereof, as may ap- 
pear by the copy of their said letter hither. 

4. The said adventurers further humbly represent, 
That as upon these grounds, and these only, they 
became invited to share in the adventures of those in 
New England, and to cast in at first a small sum for an 
assistance or supply to the said undertaking ; so, foras- 
much as the said adventurers here do act but as a minor j 
part of those other adventurers there, and as wholly I 
intrusted also from those there, they find not themselves 
qualified or enabled to do any thing therefore here, 1 
that may prejudice or conclude the other adventurers 
there, in that which may be their just pretension or j 

Hutchinson Papers. 57 

opposition of a right, how weak or how much mistaken 
oever the ground of that right may possibly appear, 
vhich they determine not. 

The said adventurers further humbly represent, 

5. That there cannot be any easy encouragement 
or the planting of the lands of the said Charles River 
mmediately from hence, by reason of the excessive and 
nsupportable charge that would attend such an under- 
aking of transporting and supplying all things neces- 
ary for the said plantation, at so great and so extra- 
•rdinary a distance ; that as the undertaking, therefore, 
if the said plantation, and vigorous prosecution of it 
with men, cattle, and all other provisions as shall be 
udged necessary for the accomplishing and com- 
peting so great an engagement and action, must ra- 
ionally be begun in, and set forth from, some other of 
he plantations abroad ; so none is humbly conceived to 
>e so fit to supply all those necessaries in abundance at 
irst, and to do it at so easy a rate, as that of New Eng- 
and is. 

But forasmuch as all the English living in the several 
colonies of New England have ever held and enjoyed 
he benefits granted to other corporations, and have 
ver had, as well as some other plantations, full liberty to 
hoose their own govenours among themselves ; to 
[lake and confirm laws with themselves ; with immunity 
lso wholly from all taxes, charges and impositions 
whatsoever, more than what is laid upon themselves by 
hemselves ; it is therefore the humble opinion of the 
aid adventurers, and (as what they fear) is humbly 
endered to the considerations of their lordships, 

That the said several adventurers in New England, 
who have some of them considerable interests and es- 
ates there, how much soever they have declared their 
willingness, forwardness and resolution to transport and 
emove themselves and their respective families unto 
he said Charles River, and to settle there, will never- 
heless decline the said resolution again ; and will not, 
>y any arguments that may be used by the said ad- 

58 Hutchinson Papers. 

venturers here, be induced to unsettle themselves, am 
to run all the hazards that must be considered in sucl 
doubtful undertakings ; nor, if willing, will be able fc 
persuade others to join with them there, if they sha 
hear, or be acquainted beforehand, that no one of th 
said privileges before mentioned, and which have hith 
erto always been enjoyed by them, are like to be allow 
ed or preserved entire to them. 

The said adventurers do further represent, that a 
the present, the undertaking of the plantation of th 
said Charles River lieth under some obloquy, thai 
hath given a check to it ; some that were sent fror 
New England thither, in order to the carrying on th 
said settlement, being come back again without so mud 
as sitting down upon it ; and for the better justificatioi 
of themselves in their return, have spread a reproach botl 
upon the harbour and upon the soil of the river itself 
which check, if now also seconded with a discour 
agement from hence, in reference to their government 
or with an intimation that they may not expect in th 
same river the same usual and accustomed privileges 
that all the said colonies of New England, with othe 
colonies, have ever had, it is humbly feared that al 
thoughts of further proceeding in the said river will 1 
wholly laid aside by them. 

Wherefore, inasmuch as the said adventurers hen 
have only power to return back to those of New Eng 
land what they shall receive, as the pleasure of thos* 
right honourable persons that are the lords paten 
tees ; forasmuch, also, as from the several discourse 
had and favours already received, the said adventurer 
here cannot but have a strong confidence of their lord 
ship's inclination and propenseness to give all just and 
possible encouragement to undertakings so publick a 
all things of this nature are ; the said adventurer; 
could not find any way better how to discharge thd 
faithfulness of that duty and respect which become 
them to demonstrate towards their lordships, than thuii 
candidly and sincerely to state to their lordships thd 


Hutchinson Papers. 59 

ature of their adventure, partnership and subscription 
ith others, the nature also of their dependence on 
thers, as being but a minor part to them of New 
Ingland, and as having their discretions here intrust- 
d, at furthest, no further than for the obtaining and 
^curing such things too, for them of New England, as 
re pursuant to the directions sent hither from them, 
nd as they here shall judge may most tend to a satis- 
ictory and lasting encouragement to them. 

}y the Committee. Proposed in reference to the man- 
ner of proceeding with the Petitioners, 

That the Court may be pleased to call them to their 
nswer singly, one by one, and that their answers be 
iken in writing. 

}uestions to be proposed, if they own their hands to this 


1. Who is the party you intend, that so irresistibly 
arry on a design of dangerous consequence . p 

2. What is that design you intend, that is of so dan- 
erous consequence ? 

3. When will it be seasonable and ripe for you to 
eclare to the world ? 

4. What is the reason that you reproach the Court 
nth disloyalty ? 

5. Do you judge it a thing reasonable or consistent 
if ith our political being, for the Court, or any other 
persons, from time to time, to pass three thousand miles, 
saving their families and callings, upon the complaint of 
jiscontented persons, whose estates may not be able to 
snake satisfaction ? 

60 Hutchinson Papers. 

6. Either it is the Court, or some other party, that 
are carrying on a dangerous design ; and if it be another 
party, why have not you out of conscience, according to 
your oath of fidelity, discovered the same ? If it be the 
Court, it shall be considered of. 

7. Wherein is it that, in your apprehension, the 
Court die with our prince, or divest him of his sove- 
reignty ? 

8. Who was the inditer or framer of these petitions, 
and what arguments were used to draw or fear men to 
subscribe ? 

Further it is proposed, that the Court may be pleased 
to hear all their answers, before any answers or sen-i 
tence be declared ; and that some meet person or per- 
sons be deputed in the behalf of the Court to implead 
the petitioners, and that so many of them as do inge- i 
nuously acknowledge their errour, that the Court would 
be pleased to exercise so much moderation towards 
them as the honour and safety of the Court and country 
may admit. 

12th 8mo. 1666. 

[This seems to be a draft of proceedings, intended for a censure of 
those gentlemen, who presented the petitions to the General 
Court, given in our VIII. Vol. Sec. Series, pp. 103 and seq. Ed.] 

Letter to Goffe, the Regicide, from his Wife. 

As for news we have little that is good ; only 
the people of God have much liberty, and meetings are 
very full, and they sing psalms in many places, and the 
king is very favourable to many of the fanaticks, and to 
some of them that he was highly displeased with. In 
the summer, there was one Blood and two more that 

Hutchinson Papers. 61 

did attempt to steal the crown out of the tower, and 
brake through several guards notwithstanding they 
opposed him : but at last they were too hard for him, 
and took him and had him before the king, and he car- 
ried it so stoutly and subtly, that the king did not only 
pardon him, but he is become a great favourite ; and 
through his means, as is reported, Desborough and 
Maggarborn and Lewson of Yarmouth is come out of 
Holland and Kelsi and have their pardon from the king, 
and liberty to live quietly, no oath being imposed on 
them. It is reported that Whally and Goff and Ludlow 
is sent for ; but I think they will have more wit than 
i | to trust them, for it is to be feared that after this sun- 
shine there will be a thick darkness ; for the sins of the 
nation calls for it, and I fear the sins of his own people 
are very great. The Lord humble us and help us all to 
put our mouths in the dust, if yet there may be hope for 
us. Sir G. Downing was put in the tower because he 
came out of Holland without the king's order, he being 
a messenger of state there. 

This Blood was in the Parliament's army, and was 
and is a Presbyterian, and what he would a done with 
the crown none knows but himself, that I can hear. 

There is great preparation for war. The ships are 
most of them to go out to help the French against the 
Dutch ; and what the issue of it will be the Lord only 
knows. It looks very sadly; for there is already a 
great cry of the decay of trade ; many men failing in 
their estates. The Lord help us to lay up treasure in 
heaven, where no power can reach it, that so where our 
treasure is our hearts may be. The Lord help us to 
hold fast the faith we have received. 

I do suppose you will hear of these things by a better 
hand, but that I thought you would take it unkindly if 
I did not write something of affairs here. 

Capt. Blackwell is come from Ireland. He being a 
widower is going to marry my Lord Lambert's second 
daughter. He hath seven children and no great estate. 


62 Hutchinson Papers. - 

I forgot this in my letter which makes me send this 
piece of paper. I hope the Lord will bring it safe to 

[The foregoing, found among the Hutchinson papers, labelled by 
the late Governour H. in his own hand, " From Colonel Goffe's 
wife to her husband," is probably a copy, not an original. As 
there are no marks to denote pauses in the sense, punctuation is 
supplied by conjecture ; and perhaps some would prefer to add 
the three first words of the second sentence to the first. The 
spelling is so bad, that some uncertainty may be suspected in the 
meaning of some passages : it is possible that Maggarborn should be 
Major Bourne. It bears no date, but was written in the latter part 
of 1671, or beginning of 1672, certainly before the war with Hol- 
land, which was declared 17th March of the latter year, and after 
Blood's attempt on the crown, which was in the former. Perhaps 
the pecuniary embarrassments and "decay of trade" may bring it 
near to 2d January, the day when the Exchequer was closed. Ed.] 

London, 1 May, 1675. 

Sir, and ever-honoured Friend, 

It is a trouble to me when I think of this scrib- 
ble, if it do not arrive at your hand, how troublesome it 
may be to your eyes ; but I can write no better. All 
the intelligence which we have here is scarce worth your 
knowledge, but I have written to Mr. Rawson that you 
may see it. As for your College, though a sentence of 
death for the present seems to be written upon it, yet I 
have a great confidence it shall have a resurrection in 
God's due time. That which follows as to the concern- 
ments of it will give some light into them. 

We received near four-score pounds of Mr. Loveringe, 
for the gift of Mr. Dodridge, which is ten pounds per 
annum for ever. Send me word whether you have his 
will. 1 am sure it was left so from him that the over- 
seers might dispose of it as they pleased. I am so bad 
an accountant, that 1 cannot do it of myself, but sudden- 

Hutchinson Papers. 63 

ly you shall have it. I have sent betwixt forty and fifty 
J pounds for the College's use in several sorts of nails and 
locks and glass and lead and soder ; part of it is with 
Captain Spraige, and part with Captain Wolley ; the 
freight is to be paid by you. The chests they are put 
in, and marked I. K. but I hope to send bills of lading 
by Mr. Spraige. I have sent also a copy of Mr. Pen- 
noyer's will, who hath given you £44 a year to the 
College forever, one of the best gifts you have. Mr. 
Saltonstall offers his mills at Ipswitch for it, but I think 
the College hath no power to sell it. Mr. Gookin of 
Cambridge left the College in debt here £20 to one 
Mr. Burgiss, (1 think his name is so.) I have several 
specialties for that debt under Mr. Gookin's hand. 
Your trustees here did pay this £20 to him, that draper 
and partner with young Mr. Saltonstall ; we judging it 
to be unrighteous and shameful that a college should 
owe money so long. Colleges must be honest, as well 
as men. There is £20 due to the College of the 
old debt, if you will sue for it and send money, but we 
judge it in vain ; for before the stating of the gift by a 
long law suit Mr. Dodridge's gift was in three hands ; 
and your adversaries say they will not pay it. Shortly 
you shall have a particular account of all and that which 
they gave me, which is about £9 and odd money for my 
charges and pains. Here is ten pounds more due to 
you, which young Mr. Loveringe offers to pay me for 
you upon demand. Send me word what you would 
have bought with it, and it shall be sent with some 
more. I think Mr Pennoyer's gift will be readily paid, 
as all the land is holden up in your name ; we must pay 
some money upon the alienation, but I think not much, 
and therefore hope some money by it. Alderman Ash- 
urst hath about fifty books of history for the College 
from Mr. Baxter. I hope he will send them by one of 
these ships. I desire that you keep up a good corres- 
pondency with Mr. Baxter ; he is a true friend to the 
College. Let somebody write to him ; he will hold it 
well. The Lord furnish your church with a new officer 

64 Hutchinson Papers. 

in Mr. Oxenbridge's place. Sir, one word in your ear j 
Keep off from being over sudden in the choice of any, 
for a reason I know of. Forget not my service to your 
good wife. The Lord strengthen your heart and hand 
in your place. Moses must lack for bricks in the wilder- 
ness. Thus, with my dearest respects unto you, and 
prayers for you, I commend you to the blessings of God 
in Christ Jesus. 

Sir, your faithful friend and servant, 


Whilst I am writing, some of the bills of lading are 
come to me, the rest promised. 

These for John Leverett, Esq. \ 
Governour of the Mathechusetts > 
Bay, at Boston, in New Eiigland. ) 

Quebec, 25th May, 1675. 


As soon as I did learn the insult which had been 
done to Monsieur Chamble, governour of Accadia, and 
that after the taking of the Fort Penobscot he was con- 
ducted prisoner in Boston, and I did despatch away two 
several ways to let you understand in what surprisal I 
was under, (that notwithstanding the good correspon- 
dency in which the king my master hath commanded me 
to live with you, and the orders which you ought to have 
received from the king of England upon the same sub- 
ject) that pirates and people without commission should 
find entertainment with you, and also to prevail with 
you, at the same time, to procure of them the liberty of 
the said Chamble, having in the hand of the same per- 
son per whom I sent the letters, bills of exchange 
for to pay the ransom which they covenanted with them 

Hutchinson Papers 65 

Nevertheless, although I had given him order to come 
back again to me over the snows with all possible dili- 
gence, 1 see the winter past and the season very forward, 
without any news from them ; neither have I heard any 
thing what is become of said Chambley. 

That is the occasion that obligeth me, gentlemen, to 
send the third time Mr. de Norman ville, accompanied with 
one of my lifeguard, to reiterate the same request to you, 
and to entreat you to clear all difficulties which concern 
the liberty both of Monsieur Chambley and other per- 
sons which are with him, if perhaps they were yet pri- 
soners. I myself was very glad that that gave me occasion 
to give you new assurance of the good union and intelli- 
gence, which I desire to continue with you, hoping that 
you will correspond with the same frankness, as you 
have assured me by your letters. Wherefore you may 
please to give full credence to what Monsieur Norman- 
ville shall acquaint you on my behalf; and believe me 
most certainly, 

Your most humble and most obedient servant, 


[There is no direction upon this letter, which was probably in an 
envelope, addressed to the Governour and Council of our colo- 
ny. Ed.] 

London, 15th August, 1675. 
Ever-honoured and dear Sir, 

I received yours of July the last month before 
this. I hope what was sent you is received before this 
come to your hand. I hope to hear of the prosperity of 
the College. We dare scarce speak to any friend for it, 
so long as the honour of it lies in the rubbish, though 
the new building be going up. As yet your land is not 
taken up in Norfolk, but the executors tell me it will be 
done at Michaelmas, as they call it. No news since my 

66 Hutchinson Papers. 

last, but things seem to go worse and worse of the Turk 
side. I would you do not proceed with all severities 
against the Indians that rise up against you. It may be 
the Lord your God loving may have some further end in 
it then yet appears. Sir John Robinson, lieutenant of 
the tower, is put out I hear this day, and the Earl of 
Northampton is made constable of it. There hath been 
some trouble in the city by the silk weavers, but I think 
all is quiet again. Thus, with my service to yourself 
and Mrs. Leveritt, and love to your children, I commend 
you all to God's blessing in Christ Jesus. 

Sir, your faithful friend and servant, 


These for the Honoured John Leveritt, Esq 
Governour of the Mathechusetts Bay, at his 
House in Boston, New England. 


Instructions Jor J. W. Commander in Chief of the Forces 
raised or to be raised in the United Colonies, to be 
improved against the Enemy in your present Expedi- 

In confidence of your wisdom, prudence and faith- 
fulness in this trust committed to you for the honour of 
God, the good of his people, and the security of the 
interest of Christ in his churches, expecting and praying 
that you may be helped in a daily dependence upon 
him for all that supply of grace that may be requisite 
for your carrying an end therein, we must leave much 
to his direction and guidance as providences and oppor- 
tunities may present, from time to time, in places of 
action : Yet we commend to you these following instruc- 
tions, which we expect and require you to attend, so far 
as the state of matters with you will admit. 

Hutchinson Papers. 67 

You are at the time appointed to march with all con- 
venient speed with the forces under your command to 
the Narriganset country, or to the place where the head 
quarters or chief rendezvous of the enemy is known to 
be. And having acquainted your officers and soldiers 
with your commission and power, you shall require 
their obedience thereunto ; and see that they be governed 
according to rules military, that all profaneness and dis- 
order in your camp and quarters be avoided as much as 
in you lieth, and impartially punish the breaking forth 
thereof in any. 

You are to see that the worship of God be kept up 
and duly attended in the army, by daily prayer and in- 
vocation of his name, and preaching of his word as you 
have opportunity, and the Sabbath be not profaned, but 
that, as much as in you lies, and the emergency of your 
service will admit, you take care it be duly sanctified, 
and your ministers respect it. 

You shall, by all means possible, endeavour to secure 
any of our English plantations, of any of the colonies, 
that may be pressed and endangered by the enemy, and 
improve your uttermost care, courage, and diligence, 
by policy and force, to discover, pursue, encounter, and 
by the help of God, to vanquish and subdue the cruel, 
barbarous and treacherous enemy, whether Philip 
Sachem and his Wampanooucks, or the Narrigansets 
his undoubted allies, or any other their friends and 

In pursuance hereof, we also advise and order, that 
you be very careful in your marches in or near the 
enemy's country, by keeping out scouts and forlorns be- 
fore the army, to prevent and avoid the ambuscadoes of 
the enemy ; that sentinels be at all times careful of 
their duty, and all soldiers be made constantly to keep 
their arms very fix and clean fit for service. 

And that you endeavour as silently and suddenly to 
surprise the enemy as you can, and if possible draw or 
force them to engagement, and therein to do valiantly 
for the honour of God and of our nation, and the interest 

68 Hutchi?ison Papers. 

of the country ; and you encourage valour in any, and 
severely punish cowardice. 

That if the enemy offer treaty, you trust them not to 
the loss of any promising advantage ; nor take their 
words, or subscription to any engagement, without fur- 
ther assurance of arms, good hostages, &c 

You shall consult those commanders and gentlemen 
appointed to be of your council in matters of moment, 
when opportunity permits, for the well management of 
the design. 

You shall diligently improve your time for the speedy 
effecting of this expedition, and use all means possible to 
cut off and hinder supplies of provision to the enemy 
and to secure your own. 

That you order the commissaries for provision and 
stores to be careful there be no waste nor embezzlement 
therein, nor want of what is meet to any. 

And you are, from time to time, to give us full and 
particular intelligence of your proceedings, and how the 
Lord shall please to deal with you in this expedition. 

[This commission was to Josiah Winslow, Esq. Governour of 
Plymouth Colony, from the Commissioners of the United Colonies, 
November, 1675. Ed.] 

Hadley, March Wth, 1675—6. 
Honoured Sirs, 

Yours of the 1 1th instant I received, and accord- 
ing to your order have sent down to Major Pinchon 
and informed him that I was ordered to take his advice 
about provisions for the army ; but, because of the 
hazard of the way, fear I shall not have a speedy return. 
I have spoken with some people of these towns, who 
say they can supply us with provisions for a week or I 
more for our march. I have improved our time since 
we came hither in sending forth scouts to see what may 
[be] discovered, but as yet can make no certain discovery 

Hutchinson Papers. 69 

of any of the enemy's place of abode, but conceive 
they have dispersed themselves abroad to the English 
towns, because on the 9th instant they made an assault 
on some at Westfield and wounded a man and carried 
away five bushels of meal ; on the l4th instant, about 
break of the day, the enemy fiercely assaulted North 
Hampton in three places at once, and forced within 
their line or palisadoes, and burnt five houses and five 
barns, and killed four men and one woman, and wound- 
ed six men more ; but being beaten off marched towards 
Hatfield, and were seen in several places about the 
town in considerable companies. 1 presently sent an- 
other company to strengthen that town, but no attempt 
was made that night. This morning, about two of the 
clock, we were alarmed again from North Hampton, 
which was occasioned by some Indians being seen on 
two sides of the town. The towns both of Springfield 
and Westfield are in very great fear of the enemy as 
well as these here. Major Pinchon and Captain Cooke 
have wrote earnestly to me for assistance, which I can- 
not send them without your orders. Gentlemen, the 
work which here presents seems to call for greater 
strength than we have here to manage it with. Major 
Treate is returned with those he had here before, and 
signifies that their council is not willing to increase their 
number, apprehending that you have not fully com- 
pleted yours ; neither is there any from Plymouth ; 
hinting also as if they have occasion at home to employ 
their forces, and I perceive are willing to take an oppor- 
tunity to march that way. Gentlemen, I humbly pro- 
pose to your honours, whether this way of following the 
enemy up and down in the woods will best reach your 
end at this season of the year, in which they have no 
certain fixed station, but can take advantages against us 
and avoid us when they please, as our experience in this 
march hath shewed, by their burning their wigwams 
and marching away before us, they discovering us when 
we cannot see them. We perceive, as near as w T e can 
gather, that their aim is at these towns on this river to 

70 Hutchinson Papers. 

destroy them, that so they may plant and fish on some 
part of the river with the less molestation, which they 
may do in case our forces were drawn off into the 
woods. Gentlemen, I crave pardon for my boldness in 
hinting these things. It's out of the desire I have that 
your ends may be attained with as little charge as 
may be, the country being at a great charge by these 
forces. I have not further to add, but to desire the 
good Lord to be your all in all, and to subscribe myself 
Your honour's humble servant, 


Gentlemen, — There is quartered at North Hampton 
Major Treate with two small companies, and Captain 
Turner ; at Hatfield Captain Mosely and one Connecti- 
cut company ; and here Captain Whiple and Captain 
Gillam, and one small company of Connecticut. They 
are distributed as near as can be alike according to the 
bigness of the towns. 

To the Honourable John Leveret, Govern-^) 
our, with the rest of Council oj the Mas- ! 

sachusetts Colony, present in Boston [ 

Haste, post haste. j 

Received 18th. 

Providence, 16, 8, 76, (ut vulgo.) 

With my humble and loving respects to yourself 
and other honoured friends, &c. I thought fit to tell you 
what the providence of the Most High hath brought to 
my hand the evening before yesterday. Two Indian 
children were brought to me by one Thomas Clements, 
who had his house burnt on the other side of the river. 
He was in his orchard, and two Indian children came 
boldly to him, the boy being about seven or eight, and 

Hutchinson Papers* 71 

the girl (his sister) three or four years old. The boy 
tells me that a youth, one Mittonan, brought them to 
the sight of Thomas Clements, and bid them go to that 
man and he would give them bread. He saith his fa- 
ther and mother were taken by the Pequts and Mon- 
higgins about ten weeks ago, as they were clamming 
(with many more Indians) at Cowwesit ; that their 
dwelling was and is at a place called Mittaubscut ; that 
it is upon a branch of Pawtuxet River, to Cowwesit 
(their nearest salt water) about seven or eight mile ; 
that there is about twenty houses. I cannot learn of him 
that there is above twenty men beside women and chil- 
dren ; that they live on ground-nuts, &c. and deer ; that 
Aawaysewaukit is their sachem ; and twelve days ago 
he sent his son Wunnawmeneeskat to Onkus with a pre- 
sent of a basket or two of wompum. I know this sa- 
chem is much related to Plymouth, to whom he is said to 
subject, but, he said, (as all of them do,) [he] deposited his 
land. I know what bargains he made with the Browns 
and Willets and Rhode Island and Providence men, and 
the controversies between the Nahigonsiks and them 
about those lands. I know the talk abroad of the right 
of the three United Colonies (by conquest) to this land, 
and the plea of Rhode Island by the charter, and 
commissioners. I humbly desire that this party may be 
brought in ; the country improved (if God in mercy so 
please ;) the English not differ about it and complaints 
run to the king (to unknown trouble, charge and ha- 
zard, &c.) and therefore I humbly beg of God that a 
committee from the four colonies may (by way of 
prudent and godly wisdom) prevent many inconve- 
niences and mischiefs. I write the sum of this to the 
governours of Connecticut and Rhode Island, and hum- 
bly beg of the Father of mercies to guide you in mercy 
for his mercy sake. 

Sir, your unworthy 

R. W. 

Excuse my want of paper. 

72 Hutchinson Papers, 

This boy saith there is another town to the north- 
east of them, with more houses than twenty, who 'tis 
like correspond to the eastward. 

To the much Honoured the Governour 1 
Leveret at Boston, or the Governour > 
Winslow at Plymouth, present. ) 

Letter from King Charles II. to the Governour and 
Company of the Massachusetts Bay. 

Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. 
There having been long depending before us the peti- 
tion and complaint of our trusty and well-beloved sub- 
ject, Robert Mason, Esq. representing the great hard- 
ships and injuries he has for many years suffered, by 
being opposed in the prosecution of his right by our 
corporation of the Massachusetts Bay, and by them 
wrongfully kept out of possession of a tract of land ly- 
ing between the rivers of Naumkeck and Merrimack, 
and three miles northward thereof, granted unto him by 
virtue of letters patents from our royal grandfather of 
blessed memory : And whereas we have received the 
opinion of our attorney and solicitor general, that the 
said Robert Mason, who is grandson and heir of John 
Mason, has a good and legal title to the lands conveyed 
to him by the name of the province of New Hampshire : 
Whereupon we were pleased to refer the matters in dif- 
ference, between our said corporation and the complain- 
ant, unto the lords chief justices our courts of King's 
Bench and Common Pleas, who have presented us with 
their report, setting forth, that all parties appearing 
before them, William Stoughton and Peter Buckley, 
Esquires, your messengers and agents, had disclaimed 
title to the lands claimed by the petitioner : And that 
appearing to them that the said lands were then in the 
possession of several other persons not before them, so 

Hutchinson Papers. 73 

they esteemed it most proper to direct the parties to 
have recourse to the judicature settled upon the place, 
for the decision of any question of property, until it 
should appear that there is just cause of complaint against 
our courts of justice there for injustice or grievance. 
To the end, therefore, that justice may be administered 
with the most ease and the least expense to all the 
said parties, who shall see cause to defend their respec- 
tive titles, we have thought fit hereby to signify our 
pleasure unto you, that the said Robert Mason be 
forthwith admitted to prosecute his right before the 
courts of judicature established within the limits of 
that our corporation ; and that in all cases wherein 
the said Robert Mason shall claim any interest in lands, 
and that the present possessor shall dispute his right, 
a trial at law may be appointed and allowed, where- 
lin no person who has any lands in the possession of 
himself, his servants, or tenants under him, depending 
upon the same title upon which such person shall be 
so impleaded, shall sit as judge or be of the jury; 
and that if it shall so happen that the dispensation of 
justice, hereby directed, shall be delayed by you, or 
such judgment given wherein the said Robert Ma- 
son shall not acquiesce, he may then appeal unto us 
in our privy council, and that all persons concerned 
be obliged to answer such appeal within the term of 
six months after the same shall be so made. And 
forasmuch as your said messengers have in your name 
disclaimed before the lords chief justices as aforesaid 
all title to the lands claimed by the said Robert Ma- 
son, our further will and pleasure is, that in case 
the said Robert Mason shall lay claim to any parcel 
of lands situate within the bounds aforesaid, which are 
not improved or actually possessed by any particular 
person or tenant in his own right, you do thereupon 
proceed to put the said Robert Mason into the pos- 
session of those lands, and cause his title to be re- 
corded, so that he may not receive any further disturb- 
ance thereupon. And in case you shall refuse so to 


74 Hutchinson Papers. 

do, and shall not shew good cause to the contrary, with- 
in the space of six months after demand of possession so 
to be made by the said Robert Mason, we shall then, 
without further delay, take the whole cause of the said 
Robert Mason into our consideration, in our privy coun- 
cil, with the damages sustained by him by reason there- 
of, and shall give judgment upon the whole matter as 
in a case where justice has been denied. And to the 
end the said Robert Mason may not be any ways hin- 
dered in the prosecution of his right, we do strictly 
charge and command you to secure him, his servants 
and agents, from all arrests and molestations whatsoever, 
during his or their abode within the limits of your ju- 
risdiction ; we having granted him our royal protec- 
tion until the matters complained of by him shall be 
fully determined. And so, expecting your ready obe- 
dience to our commands hereby signified unto you, we 
bid you farewell. 

Given at our Court at Whitehall, the 23d day of 
June, 1682, in the four-and-thirtieth year of our reign. 
By his Majesty's command. 


T King's "I 
L Seal. J 

To our trusty and iccll-beloved, the j 
Governour and Company of our ! 
Colony of the Massachusetts Bay \ 
in New England. J 

Not received till October Court was up. Read in Court 
7th February, 82. 

Arguments against relinquishing the Charter. 

Question. Whether the government of the Massa- 
chusetts Colony in New England ought to make a full 
submission and entire resignation to the pleasure of the 

Hutchinson Papers. 75 

Court, as to alterations, called regulations, of their 
charter ? 

Answer. Neg. They ought not to do thus ; as may 
be concluded from the following arguments : 

Argument 1. For the government of the Massachu- 
setts to consent unto proposals or alterations, called 
regulations, which will be destructive to the interest of 
religion, and of Christ's kingdom in that colony, cannot 
be done without sin and great offence to the majesty of 
heaven. But so it will be, if they make a full submission 
and entire resignation to the pleasure of the Court ; 
for such a submission and resignation cannot be declar- 
ed without an intimation of consent ; and the people in 
New England, being Non-Conformists, have no rea- 
son to believe that their religion and the Court's pleasure 
will consist together ; especially considering there is not 
one word about religion mentioned in the king's declara- 

Arg. 2. If the government of the Massachusetts have 
no sufficient reason to think that they shall gain by a 
full submission and entire resignation to the pleasure 
of the Court, as to alterations in their charter, then they 
ought not to do thus. But they will gain nothing there^ 
by. The consequence will be granted by every one. 
The truth of the assumption that they have no reason 
to think that they shall gain by such a submission and 

resignation, appears from three reasons. Reason 1. 

If the intended alterations, called regulations, of their 
charter, will be destructive to the essentials thereof, 
then they have no reason to think they shall gain there- 
by. But that the designed alterations will be destruc- 
tive to the life and being of their charter, is manifest 
from this reason : If they must have no governour but 
what the Court shall please, and this governour have 
power to put out and put in what magistrates he (with 
the Court's approbation) shall please, without the con- 
sent of the people in that jurisdiction ; that is an essen- 
tial alteration, and destructive to the vitals of the char- 
ter. That this is intended, is clear ; for it is designed 

76 Hutchinson Papers. 

to reduce matters in New England to the same state 
that London charter is reduced unto ; therefore they that 
have issued out a quo warranto against the charter, 
have caused a copy of the proceedings and alterations, 
called regulations, of the charter of the city of London, 
to be sent to New England. Also, the ministers of 
state did some of them expressly declare to the agents 
of the Massachusetts Colony, that this was intended. 
This will be a destructive alteration, and no better than a 

condemnation of the charter. Reason 2. If they that 

have already made a full submission and entire resigna- 
tion to the pleasure of the Court, have gained nothing 
by it, there is no reason for New England to think that 
they shall advantage themselves thereby. But all those 
corporations in England who have submitted to the 
Court's pleasure, have gained nothing thereby, but are 
in as bad a case as those that have stood a suit in law, 
and have been condemned. Moreover, in New Eng- 
land they have an instance before their eyes, enough to 
convince them, viz. that in the eastern parts, who, if 
they had not submitted so soon, might have lived longer 

Reason 3. If the people of the Massachusetts will, 

by a resignation, make themselves uncapable of recover- 
ing their charter again, then they will gain nothing 
thereby. But so it will be. Whereas, if they maintain I 
a suit, though they should be condemned, they may 
bring the matter to Chancery or to a Parliament, and 
so may possibly in time recover all again. It appears 
then, that they will rather lose than gain by a resigna- 
tion, supposing a non-resignation should issue in the 
condemnation of their charter. 

Arg. 3. For the government of the Massachusetts 
now to act contrary unto that way wherein God hath 
owned their worthy predecessors, ought not to be. 
But if they make such a full submission and entire resig- 
nation as is urged, they will do so. For when, in the 
year 1638, there was a quo warranto against the char- 
ter, their worthy predecessors neither did nor durst 
they make such a submission and resignation as was 

Hutchinson Papers. 11 

then expected from them. And when, in the year 1664, 
it was the Court's pleasure to impose commissioners 
upon the government of the Massachusetts, they did not 
suhmit to them. God has owned those worthy prede- 
cessors, in their being firm and faithful in asserting and 
standing by their civil and religious liberties. There- 
fore their successors should walk in their steps, and so 
trust in the God of their fathers, that they shall see his 

Arg. 4. For the government of the Massachusetts to 
do that which will gratify their adversaries, and grieve 
their friends, is evil. But such a submission and resig- 
nation as is urged will do so. Hoc Ithacus velit. They 
may perceive by the chief instrument of their trouble, 
that he, and others, as good friends to New England as 
himself, had much rather the Massachusetts should re- 
sign than th*at they should make a defence in law. Is 
that likely to be for the good of the colony, which such 
enemies do so importunately desire ? They know that 
it will sound ill in the world for them to take away the 
liberties of a poor people of God in a wilderness : There- 
fore they had rather that that people should give them 
up themselves, than that they should by main force be 
wrested out of their hands. They know that a resigna- 
tion will bring slavery upon them sooner than otherwise 
would be. And as this will gratify adversaries, so 
it will grieve their friends, both in other colonies and 
in England also, whose eyes are now upon New Eng- 
land, expecting that the people there will not, through 
fear and diffidence, give a pernicious example unto 

Arg. 5. The government of the Massachusetts ought 
not to yield blind obedience to the pleasure of the Court, 
But if they make such a full submission and entire re- 
signation as is urged, they will yield blind obedience ; 
for they do not know what all those regulations are. 
There is nothing said in the king's declaration concern- 
ing the religious liberties of the people in New England ; 
and how, if popish councils should influence so far, as 

78 Hutchinson Papers, 

that one regulation must be conformity, in matters of 
worship, with the established church government in Eng- 
land. Inasmuch as it was objected by a principal minis- 
ter of state to the agents of the Massachusetts, that in 
their commission there was that clause, that they should 
not consent to any thing that would be inconsistent with the 
main end of their coming to New England, there is reason 
to fear that part of the design in alterations (called re- 
gulations) is to introduce and impose that which will be 
inconsistent with the main end of their fathers' coming 
to New England. And therefore for them to submit 
fully to things called regulations, according to the Court's 
pleasure, cannot be without great sin and incurring the 
high displeasure of the King of kings. 

Arg. 6. If the government of the Massachusetts Co- 
lony in New England should act contrary unto that which 
has been the unanimous advice of the ministers of Christ 
there, they have cause to suspect they shall miss it in so 
doing. But if, for fear of bad events, they shall make a 
full submission and entire resignation of their char- 
ter, to be altered or regulated according to the Court's 
pleasure, they will act contrary unto that which has 
been the unanimous advice of the ministers in that colo- 
ny. For on the 4th of January, 1680, the ministers 
having then a case of conscience before them, returned 
answer in these words : " We conceive that this honour- 
ed Court ought to use utmost care and caution that 
no agents of ours shall act, or shall have power to act, 
any thing that may have the least tendency towards 
yielding up or weakening this government as by patent 
established. It is our undoubted duty to abide by what 
rights and privileges the Lord our God in his merciful 
providence hath bestowed on us. And whatever the 
event may be, the Lord forbid we should be any way 
active in parting with them." This advice was given 
after a solemn day of prayer; and all the ministers then 
present (who were the greatest part of what are in the 
colony) concurred in it. Now, if in the year 1680 it 
were an undoubted duty to abide by the privileges 

Hutchinson Papers. 79 

which the Lord hath bestowed on us, it cannot but be a 
sin in the year 1683 to submit and resign them all to 
the Court's pleasure. And it is to be hoped, that the 
ministers of God in New England have more of the 
spirit of John Baptist in them, than, now, when a storm 
hath overtaken them, to be reeds shaken with the wind. 
The priests were to be the first that set their foot in 
the waters, and there to stand till the danger was past. 
Of all men, they should be an example to the Lord's 
people, of faith, courage and constancy. Unquestiona- 
bly, if blessed Mr. Cotton, Hooker, Davenport, Mather, 
Shepard, Mitchel, were now living, they would (as is 
evident from some passages in the printed books of 
divers of them) say, Do not sin in giving away the in- 
heritance of your fathers. 

Arg. 7. For the government to submit and resign to 
the pleasure of the Court, without the consent of the 
body of the people, ought not to be. But the generali- 
ty of the freemen and church members throughout New 
England will never consent hereunto. Therefore the 
government may not do it. 

Objection 1. There is no such thing as a resignation 
of the charter intended ; it is only a submission to al- 
terations in some circumstances, in order to preserving 
the substance of the charter entire. 

Answer 1. The example of London set before New 
England as a copy for them to write after, does most 
clearly prove the contrary unto this opinion. — 2. In case 
the government of the Massachusetts return their an- 
swer in such general terms as the Court in England 
shall take to be an entire resignation to their pleasure, 
and when the regulations appear to be destructive to 
the vitals of their charter, the Massachusetts should 
refuse to comply therewith, it will be said they have 
dealt deceitfully and untruly. — 3. In case the govern- 
ment plainly signify that they submit to regulations 
only as to circumstances, and with a proviso that the 
life of their charter may be preserved, they will incur 
as much displeasure as if they maintain their right as 

80 Hutchinson Papers. 

far as law and equity will defend them. Yea, then th 
prosecution of the quo warranto will as certainly go or 

Obj. 2. They have legally forfeited their chartei 
and therefore may without sin resign. 

Ans. 1. If by legal forfeiting of their charter b 
meant, that according to some corrupt and unrighteou 
laws they have done so, notwithstanding that, they ma 
not without sin resign. — 2. It is not to be believe< 
that they have forfeited their charter, according to th 
laws of righteousness and equity ; for then they tha 
take away all their privileges from them will do then] 
no wrong; nor shall they that condemn their charter 
be themselves condemned for that action by the Lor< 
the righteous Judge. He that acknowledgeth this, dotl 
New England more wrong than a little. And if tin 
charter be not forfeited in the sight of God, and accord 
ing to the rules of his word, it is a sin to submit or con 
sent that the Court should alter it according to theii 

Obj. 3. The Lord's people were bid to go out to th( 
king of Babylon, and the emperours of Babylon anc 
Persia had dominion over the bodies and cattle of the! 
Jews at their pleasure, Neh. 9. 37. Therefore, New 
England ought to submit to the pleasure of the Court 

Ans. He scarce deserves the name of an English- 
man that shall thus argue. Because those monarch* 
were absolute, must Englishmen, who are under a lim- 
ited monarchy, consent to be in that misery and slavery 
which the captive Jews were in ? By this argument, 
no man may defend his legal right, if the king, or any 
commissioned by him, shall sue him. And suppose 
some one obtaining a commission at Court, should bid 
this objector yield up his house and farm, would he say 
it is my duty so to do ? For the emperours of old had 
dominion over the bodies and cattle and estates of 
their subjects at their pleasure. 

Obj. 4. But what Scripture is there against this full 
submission and entire resignment ? 


Hutchinson Papers. 81 

Ans. There is the sixth commandment. Men may 
not destroy their political any more than their natural 
lives. All judicious casuists say, It is unlawful for a 
man to kill himself when he is in danger, for fear he 
shall fall into the hands of his enemies, who will put 
him to a worse death, Sam. 31. 4. There is also that 
Scripture against it, Judges 11. 24, 27; and that 
1 Kings, 21.3. The civil liberties of the people in New 
England are part of the inheritance of their fathers ; 
and shall they give that inheritance away ? 

Obj. 5. They will be exposed to great sufferings 
if they do it not. 

Ans. Better suffer than sin, Heb. 11. 26, 27. Let 
them put their trust in the God of their fathers, which is 
better than to put confidence in princes. And if they 
suffer because they dare not comply with the wills of 
men against the will of God, they suffer in a good 
cause, and will be accounted martyrs in the next gene- 
ration, and at the great day. 

[This paper, so characteristic!*: of the early habits of resistance to 
tyranny in New England, was probably written in November, 1683, 
See I Hutchinson. Ed.1 

Letter from Walter Clark to Edward Randolph, Esq a 

Esteemed and courteous, 

Understanding by the blessing of God of thy 
landing at Boston the 13th instant, hold myself obliged 
to congratulate thy safe arrival once more into these 
American parts, and to assure thee that as I stand con- 
stituted in my present capacity, shall be glad to serve 
thee in any office of love to my power, which I presume 
is the minds of all my well-beloved friends, and hope our 
practice will demonstrate the same if time and opportu- 
mity offer, having a true regard to all such whom his 

82 Hutchinson Papers. 

majesty, in his princely wisdom, thinks meet to emplo; 
in his weighty concerns, is all at present, and with dea 
respects to all so immediately concerned, 
Remain thy assured friend, 


Newport, on Rhode Island, this 15 day the 3 mo. 16S6. 

For his esteemed Ed. Randolfe, Esq. ) 
in Boston, these. ) 

At Penobscot. 

St. Castin and Renne his servant. 

At Agemogin Reach. 

Charles St. Robin's son. 

La Flower and wife, St. Robin's daughter. 

Pettit Plesance by Mount Desart. 

Lowrey, wife and child. 

Hind's wife and four children — English. 

In Winscheage Bay, on the eastern side of Mount Desart. 

Cadolick and wife. 

At Machias. 

Martell, who pretends grant for the river from Que- 
Latin, wife and three children — English, ( servants. . 

Jno. Bretoon, wife and child, of Jersey, > his 

i — English, ) 

At Pcssimaquody, near St. Croix. 

St. Robin, wife and son, with like grant from Que-; 

Letrell, Jno. Minn's wife and four children — Lambert: 
and Jolly Cure his servants. 

Hutchinson Papers. 83 

At St. Croix. 

Zorzy, and Lena his servant. Grant from Quebeck. 

[The foregoing paper is thus labelled: "] lth May, 1688. Names 
of Inhabitants between the River Penobscot and St. Croix." It 
was Andros's design to exclude all French settlers. Ed.] 

Sir Edmund Andros, Knight, &C. 

The Rev. Mr. William Hubbard. ...Greeting. 

Whereas the Presidency or Rectorship of Har- 
vard College in Cambridge, within this his majesty's 
territory and dominion of New England, is now vacant, 
I do therefore, with the advice of the council, by these 
presents, constitute, authorize and appoint you, the said 
William Hubbard, to exercise and officiate as President 
of the said College at the next Commencement to be 
had for the same, in as full and ample manner as any 
former President or Rector hath or ought to have en- 

Given under my hand and seal, at Boston, the 2d day 
of June, in the fourth year of his majesty's reign, annoque 
Domini, 1688. 

Suff. ss N. England. 

Whereas it is by statute enjoined upon all the king's 
subjects, that in all churches and chapels throughout his 
dominions the 30th day of January shall be kept as 
an anniversary day of fasting and humiliation ; and to 
the end the same may be duly observed and none plead 
ignorance therein ; This therefore, in his majesty's name 
is to charge and require you to give notice to the inhabi- 

84 Hutchinson Papers. 

tants of the town of Boston, that they forbear the use of 
their daily employments and trade on Wednesday next, 
being the 30th day of January, as aforesaid, and apply 
themselves to the due observance of said day; and that 
you give the like notice to the respective ministers in 
said town, that they may discharge their duty as said 
statute doth direct ; and if any shall refuse compliance 
thereto, to make due return of the same to us the sub- 
scribers ; for which this shall be your warrant. 

Dated in Boston, this 25th day of January, 1688, 
annoq. RR. Jac. 2di. 4. 





To the Sheriff of the County of Suffolk, \ 
or any and every of the Constables in > 
the Town of Boston. ) 

By his Excellency. 

Pursuant to a resolve in council, I do hereby appoint 
and authorize you, Capt. Anthony Howard, Capt. Wil- 
liam White, and Mr. Thaddeus Mackerty, to ask and 
receive the free and voluntary contribution of any the 
inhabitants in the town of Boston, towards the building 
and erecting of a house or place for the service of the 
Church of England ; and in the doing thereof to desire 
the assistance of such persons, of either congregation or 
neighbourhood, as may be proper to accompany you 
therein ; and of what you shall so receive to keep a dis- 
tinct account, to be disposed of by you to that use ac- 
cordingly ; for which this shall be your warrant. 

Dated in Boston, the 24th day of March, 1688. 
By his Excellency's command. 

Hutchinson Papers. 85 

An Account of the Forces raised in New England for De- 
fence of the Country against the Indians, &c. in the year 

1688 disposedinto tenCompanies of sixty Men each 

the several Forts built, and how the said Forces were 
posted at the Time of their Ma ns Officers and subversion 
of the Government there in April, 1689. 

Pemyquid. Men. 

A settled garrison commanded by Capt. An- "] 
tho. Brockholes and Lieut. James Weems of the | 

standing forces, 36 J> 156 

A new company commanded by Capt. Ting, 60 | 
Another by Capt. George Minot, . . . 60 J 

Upon the insurrection, the forces being withdrawn, 
and only 18 of the standing companies left in garrison, 
the fort is since taken by the Indians and French, and 
the country destroyed. 

New Dartmouth, i. e. New Castle, $fc. 

A fort commanded by Lieut. John Jordane of ^ 

the standing forces, 24 > 84 

A company of Capt. Withington's, . . 60 ) 

Most of the men drawn off, and others debauched, they 
seized their officer and carried him prisoner to Boston, and 
thereupon the fort was deserted. 

A Redoubt on Damorascotty River. 

Relieved every week from New Dartmouth. 
The men drawn off and place deserted. 

SacodehocJc, Newtown, Fort Anne, Pejepscot. 

These several forts in Kennebeck River ] 
were commanded by Lieut.-Col.Macgregory { 1 1Rf| 
and Major Thomas Savage, for which they ( 

had their own and Capt. Manning's company, J 

The major and most of the officers of the new forces 
revolted, seized their lieutenant-colonel, drew off the 
forces, and thereby deserted the several forts and river. 


86 Hutchinson Papers. 

Falmouth. Men. 

A fort in Casco Bay, commanded by Capt. > fi0 
George Lockhart with his company, . . . \ 
The commander seized and forces withdrawn. 

Saco River, 

A fort commanded by Capt. John Lloyd with } 
his company, and a detachment of 28 men from > 88 
Major Henchman and Capt. Bull, ) 


A fort commanded by Lieut. Puddington, but to 
be relieved from Saco. 


A fort relieved likewise from Saco. 

The officers and soldiers at Saco all deserted, as did 
others afterwards. 


Merrymdke River. 

A company at the Upper Plantations, com- 
manded by Major John Henchman, .... 
As also all the militia of that river. 

The officers and soldiers debauched and quitted their 

Connecticatt River. 

A company commanded by Capt. Jonathan "| 
Bull at the Upper Settlement thereof, which, ! r^ 
and all the militia, was under the command of [ 
Col. Robert Treate, J 

The officers and soldiers deserted their posts. 


Besides 40 men more of the standing com- } 
panies, detached at first and constantly employed > 40 
in that service in several parts, ) 


Hutchinson Papers. 87 

The several vessels employed for the security of the 
coast and fishery at that time were, 

His majesty's sloop Mary, John Alden commander ; 

The brigantine Samuel, John Wisewell master ; 

His majesty's new sloop Speedwell, John Cooke com- 
mander, finished and ready to take in stores and pro- 
visions for the eastward. 

There were four standing companies in New England 
— two at Boston and eastern parts upon establishment 
in England — two at New York and Albany upon estab- 
lishment there — all dispersed except that at Albany. 

There was also, at the time of the subversion of the 
government, provisions in the respective places or prin- 
cipal garrisons sufficed to supply the forces for above 
three months, and all stores and implements of war 
necessary for that service. 

Besides, at the stores in Boston and in the castle was 
fifty-four barrels of powder, and about two hundred 
spare fuzees and snap h. muskets, byonets, and great and 
small shot, hand-granadoes and all other utensils of war. 


Account of an Attack by the Indians upon Cocheca. 

{Portsmouth, 28th June, 1689, 
about 8 o'clock, morning. 

Just now came ashore here from Cocheca, John 
Ham and his wife, who went hence last night home- 
ward, (they living within a mile of Major Waldron,) 
and about break of the day going up the river in a 
canoe, they heard guns fired, but notwithstanding, pro- 
ceeded to land at Major Waldron's landing place, by 
i which time it began to be light, and then they saw about 
t twenty Indians near Mr. Coffin's garrison, shooting and 
shouting, as many more about Richard Otis's and 

88 Hutchinson Papers. 

Thomas Pain's but saw their way clear to Major Wal- 
dron's, where they intended immediately to secure 
themselves ; but coming to the gate, and calling and 
knocking, could receive no answer, yet saw a light in 
one of the chambers, and one of them say (looking 
through a crack of the gate) that he saw sundry Indians 
within the garrison, which supposed had murthered 
Major Waldron and his family ; and thereupon they be- 
took themselves to make an escape, which they did, and 
met with one of Otis's sons, who also escaped from his 
father's garrison, informing that his father and the rest 
of the family were killed. Quickly after, they set sun- 
dry houses afire. This is all the account we have at 
present, which, being given in a surprise, may admit of 
some alteration ; but doubtless the most of those fami- 
lies at or about Cocheca are destroyed. 
The above account was related to me, 


Portsmouth, 28th June, 1689. 
Major Robert Pike, 

Honoured Sir, 

Herewith send you an account of the Indians 
surprising Cocheca this morning, which we pray you 
immediately to post away to the honourable the gover- 
nour and council in Boston, and forward our present 
assistance, wherein the whole country is immediately 

We are, sir, your most humble servants, 


To the Honourable Major Robert Pike, > 
at Salisbury Haste, post haste. j ' 

Hutchinson Papers. 89 

' Salisbury, June 28, 1689, about noon. 
Much Honoured, 

After due respect, these are only to give your 
honours the sad account of the last night's providence 
at Cocheca, as by the enclosed, the particulars whereof 
are awful. The only wise God, who is the Keeper that 
neither slumbereth nor sleepeth, is pleased to permit 
what is done. Possibly it may be either better or worse 
than this account renders it. As soon as I can get more 
intelligence shall, God willing, speed it to your honours, 
praying your speedy order or advice in so solemn a case. 
I have despatched the intelligence to other towns, with 
advice to look to yourselves. Shall not be wanting to 
serve in what I may. Should have waited on your 
honours ere now, had I been well. Shall not now- 
come, except by you commanded, till this bustle be 
abated. That the only wise God may direct all your 
weighty affairs, is the prayer of 

Your honours' most humble servant, 


To the much Honoured Symon Bradstreet, Esq. ~\ 
Governour, and the Honoured Council now sit- ( 

ting at Boston, these present with all speed C 

Haste, post haste. J 

Received about 12 at night, upon Friday the 28th June. 

Boston, 29th June, 1689. 

The sad account given by yourselves of the 
awful hand of God, in permitting the heathen to make 
such desolations upon Cocheca, and destruction of the 
inhabitants thereof, being forwarded by the hand of 
Major Robert Pike, arrived the last night about twelve 
o'clock ; notice whereof was immediately despatched to 

90 Hutchinson Papers. 

our out towns, that so they may provide for their se- 
curity and defence ; and the narrative you give of the 
matter was laid before the whole Convention this morn- 
ing, who are concerned for you as friends and neigh- 
bours, and look at the whole to be involved in this un- 
happy conjuncture and trouble given by the heathen, 
and are very ready to yield you all assistance as they 
may be capable^ and do think it necessary that (if it be 
not done already) you would fall into some form or 
constitution for the exercise of government, so far as 
may be necessary for your own safety and convenience 
of your peace, and to intend such farther acts as the 
present emergencies require — this convention not think- 
ing it meet, under their present circumstances, to exert 
any authority within your province. Praying God to 
direct in all the arduous affairs the poor people of this 
country have at present to engage in, and to rebuke all 
our enemies, desiring you would give us advice from 
time to time of the occurrencies with you, 

Gentlemen, your humble servant, 


Per order of the Convention. 

Dated as abovesaid. 

Voted by the Representatives in the affirmative. 


Consented to by the Governour and Council, 29th June, 


For Messrs. Richard Martyn, Wm. \ 
Vaughan, Richard Waldron, <$rc. > 
at Portsmouth, these with all speed. ) 

Despatched upon Saturday, the 29th of June, 5 89, at 12 
o'clock, at noon. 

Hutchinson Papers. 91 


We have read yours, informing God's severe 
humbling hand, suffering the enemy, with so much 
violence and rage, to destroy and lay waste before 
them on so sudden a surprisal. We must all say, 
the Lord is righteous ; we have sinned. It is not, as 
you well know, in our power to direct in your matters 
authoritatively, but as friends, and under our prince, are 
ready, to our utmost, to yield our assistance in helping 
you with ammunition or any thing in our power, men or 
moneys. It remains with yourselves to meet and consider 
your own circumstances, and put yourselves into such 
a way (if not so at present) as may accommodate the 
present emergency in the best manner ye may, and 
then let us know what you desire, and we shall serve 
you to our power. Our present circumstances do not 
advantage us to impress men, or levy money, but must 
do as we can. God help us all to humble ourselves 
under God's mighty hands. 

Letter from Major Benjamin Church to the Govemour 
and Council of the Massachusetts. 

To the Honourable the Governour and Council at Boston. 

These may inform your honours, that we have 
been ranging the woods divers times since we had our 
engagement, but have not discovered much more of the 
enemy than what we gave you account of; only our 
scout yesterday, upon our march, discovered a small 
party of the enemy, and some guns were fired on both 
sides, but we know not of any damage done. We 
find that our Indian soldiers are very much discouraged 
with what they met with in our last engagement, they 
finding the enemy more furnished with courage and 
resolution than they did expect, and likewise many 
more of them in number than they thought to have 

92 Hutchinson Papers, 

met together, which gives me reason to think that our 
design will not be prosecuted to effect until more 
forces comes to our relief; and by reason of a party 
of the enemy that have done some damage lately at 
Blue Point Garrison, in taking two lads, and burning 
some houses thereabouts, and a small vessel, which 
makes me think that a party of the enemy keep there- 
about, that makes me unwilling to draw off any of those 
forces from those parts to help us, and therefore I much 
desire that Connecticut forces may be sent away to us 
with all expedition, whose coming we hope will much 
encourage our soldiers and enable us to do service ; and 
therefore I desire that it may not be omitted, and that 
all those things that we have sent for may be speedily 
conveyed to us, and that those guides that we sent for 
may be sent to us without fail, which, if they come not, 
our design will be frustrated. We know not yet what 
damage we did to the enemy in our last engagement, but 
several things that they left behind them on their flight 
we found yesterday, which was gun-cases and stockings 
and other things of some value, together with other 
signs that makes us think that we did them considerable 
damage. So, desiring that God may guide both you and 
us to do those things that are suitable and convenient in 
this undertaking, I rest 

Your friend and humble servant, 


Falmouth in Casco, September 27th, 1689. 

To the Honoured Simon Brodestreete, Esq. \ 

of the Massachusetts, in Boston, deliver > 

For their Majesties 1 service. ) 

Received 3d October, 1689. 

Hutchinson Papers. 93 

[The following account of New England was found in manuscript 
among Governour Hutchinson's papers. The author is unknown. 
It appears to have been written in London, in 1G89, in answer to the 
letter of a friend. Ed.] 

A brief Relation of the Plantation of New England, from 
the founding of that Plantation to the Year 1689. 


I have received yours, wherein you desire me 
to give you a brief account of the past and present 
state of New England, which, in as few words as I can, 
and as straits of time will permit me, I shall endeavour 
your satisfaction in. 

New England contains that tract of land, which is 
between forty and forty-live degrees of northern lati- 
tude. It was for some time known by the name of the 
Northern Plantation, but King Charles the First (then 
Prince of Wales) gave it the name of New England. 
The first settlement of the English there, was in the 
year 1620, viz. at New Plymouth. New England differs 
from other foreign plantations in respect of the ground 
and motives inducing the first planters to remove into 
that American desert. Other plantations were built 
upon worldly interests ; New England upon that which 
is purely religious. For although they did and do agree 
(as is evident from their printed confession of faith) 
with all other Protestant reformed churches, and more 
especially with England, in matters of doctrine, and in 
all fundamental points of faith ; yet as to the liturgy, 
ceremonies and church government by bishops, they 
were and are Non-Conformists. It were grievous to 
them to think of living in continual difference with their 
Protestant brethren in England; upon which account 
they resolved on a peaceable secession into a corner of 
the world. And being desirous to be under the pro- 
tection of England, about twenty worthy gentlemen 
obtained a charter from King Charles the First, bearing 

94 Hutchinson Papers. 

date from the year 1628, which giveth them right to 
the soil, for they hold their title of lands, as of the ma- 
nor of East Greenwich in Kent and in common soc- 
cage ; which, notwithstanding, they purchased their 
lands of the Indians, who were the native proprietors. 
By their mentioned charter, they are empowered yearly 
to elect their own governour and deputy-governour and 
magistrates, as here in London, and in other towns corpo- 
rate, the freemen choose the lord mayor and aldermen. 

They have also power to make such laws as shall be 
most proper and suitable for the plantation. 

Nevertheless, as an acknowledgment of their depend- 
ence on England, by their charters they are obliged 
not to make any laws which shall be repugnant to the 
laws in England ; also the fifth part of all ore of gold 
or silver, found in that territory, belongs to the crown 
of England. 

The report of this charter did encourage many very 
deserving persons to transplant themselves and their 
families into New England. Gentlemen and ministers of 
the gospel, then of great fame here in England, trades- 
men and planters, to the number of about four thousand, 
did in twelve years time go thither. The hazards 
which they ran, and the difficulties which they encoun- 
tered with, in subduing a wilderness, cannot easily be 
expressed. But the Almighty God, by a wonderful 
providence, carried them through all. In the year 
1637, they were in imminent danger of being cut off by 
the barbarous heathen. But when it came to a war, 
mighty numbers of the Indians were slain by a few of 
the English, which caused a terror of God to fall upon 
all the heathen round about ; so that after the Pequod 
Indians were subdued, there was peace in the land for 
thirty-eight years together; and being settled under 
a good and easy government, the plantation prospered ! 
wondrously; yea, so as cannot be paralleled in any 
history. Never was place brought to such considera- 
bleness in so short a time. That which was not long 
since an howling wilderness, in a few years time became 

Hutchinson Papers. 95 

a pleasant land, wherein was abundance of all things, 
both for soul and body, which can be imputed to nothing 
else but to their religion, the gospel bringing a fulness 
of blessings along with it. Some have observed, that 
since the year 1640 more persons have removed out of 
New England than have gone thither. Nevertheless, 
the four thousand who did, between that and the year 
1620, transplant themselves into New England, are so 
marvellously increased, as that (if the computation fail 
not) they are now become not less than two hundred 
thousand souls. 

There are towns and villages on the sea coast, from 
Long Island to Boston, which is three hundred miles, 
and from Boston to Pemaquid, which is two hundred 

In the year 1662, Connecticot colony, as also Road 
Island, with the plantations thereto belonging, had 
charters granted to them by King Charles the Second, 
(being much-what the same with the patent of the 
Massachusetts) whereby they were made distinct govern- 

Anno 1675, the Indians began a second war with the 
English, the issue of which was, that whole nations of 
them were destroyed. 

Never did men shew greater courage and bravery 
in their encounters with barbarous heathen than they 
did ; and yet it must be acknowledged, that the Indians 5 
advantages were such as that they could not have been 
overcome, if God had not fought against them by send- 
ing the evil arrows of famine and mortal diseases among 
them. I have often thought of the expression of an 
Indian there : We (said he) could easily be too hard for 
the English, hut, (striking on his breast) the Englishmen's 
God makes us afraid here. 

As long as they enjoyed their first government, no 
enemies could stand before them ; but since that, they 
have not been able to subdue the Indians, who did the 
last year commit some outrages amongst them, having 
been (as I am informed) provoked thereunto by some 

96 Hutchinson Papers. 

injuries done unto them by those then in power, design- 
ing the ruin of the English, and advancement of the 
French interest in that territory. 

As for the inquiry, by what means they came to be 
deprived of their charters' liberties, please to understand, 
that in the year 1683, a quo warranto was issued out 
against them, and with the notification thereof by the 
then king's order, there was a declaration published, 
enjoining those few particular persons mentioned in the 
quo warranto, to make their defence at their own parti 
cular charge, without any help by a publick stock. By 
this it was easy to see, that some persons were resolved 
to have the charter condemned quo jure qudque injuria 
Nevertheless, the governour and company apointed an 
attorney to appear and answer to the quo warranto in 
the Court of King's Bench. The prosecutors not being 
able to make any thing of it there, a new suit was begun 
by a scire facias in the Court of Chancery. They had 
not sufficient time given them for their defence, yet 
judgment was entered against them for default in not 
appearing, when it was impossible, considering the re- 
moteness of New England from Westminster, that they 
should appear in the time allowed. 

Thus illegally was the charter of the Massachusetts 
colony wrested from them. As for the colonies oi 
Plymouth, Connecticot and Road Island, there was never 
any judgment against them, nor any surrender, but by 
a mere rape, anno 1686, their charters and privileges 
were violently taken from them. Since that time, the 
country has gone to ruin every day, not being now like 
the place it was but five years ago, which is not much to 
be wondered at, considering the intolerable oppressions! 
they have been labouring under since their charters 
were ravished from them. In the year 1686, Sir Ed-\ 
mund Andros was sent by the late King James to New 
England, with a commission absolutely destructive to 
the fundamentals of the English government, empowering 
him with four men (none of them chosen by the people) 
to levy moneys, and to make loans, nay, and to send as 

Hutchinson Papers. 97 

many of the inhabitants as he would two thousand 
miles out of the country. This commission being ille- 
gal, and so in itself void, the people did this last spring 
assert their English liberties, and declare for the Prince 
of Orange and the parliament of England. It is greatly 
to be observed, that as long as New England enjoyed 
their charters, for more than fifty years together, they 
never put the crown to a penny charge, (which is more 
than can be said of other foreign plantations ;) but since 
they have been under a government, not by charters, 
but by commissions, the country has been chargeable 
and less beneficial to the king's revenue, than in former 

It has indeed been objected, that in New England 
they did many years ago transgress the act of naviga- 
tion. But the transgression of some few particular per- 
sons were not the fault of the government there, who 
did in the year 1663 make a law that the act of naviga- 
tion should be strictly observed, and their governours 
are sworn to see that law executed, and have been to the 
uttermost of their power careful about it. 

Many other things have been suggested against New 
England, the most of which have no footsteps of truth in 
them, but are the malicious inventions of the Tohiahs and 
Sanballats of this age. Not but that the people there 
have had their failings as well as other men in all places 
of the world. The only thing, (so far as I understand,) 
which can with any truth be justly reflected on them as 
a fault, is that, in some matters relating to conscience 
and difference of opinion, they have been more rigid 
and severe than the primitive Christians, or the gospel 
doth allow of. Yet this is to be said in their behalf, that 
things are reported worse than indeed they were ; and 
that now many leading men, and the generality of the 
people, are of a more moderate temper. I know some 
that have a great interest there do abhor the spirit of 
ersecution as much as any men in the world. 

It is certainly for the interest of England, that New 
England should be encouraged. And those ill men who 


98 Hutchinson Papers. 

give other advice (notwithstanding their vain pretences 
to the contrary) prejudice the interest of the crown 
more than they are able to make amends for, which I 
evince by these arguments : 

1. The king's revenue, all things considered, is as 
much or more augmented by New England than by any 
other of the foreign plantations. This will seem to 
some a strange assertion ; but consider what I say, and 
then judge if it be not true. The other American planta- 
tions cannot well subsist without New England, which 
is by a thousand leagues nearer to them than either 
England or Ireland ; so that they are supplied with pro- 
visions, beef, pork, meal, fish, &c, also with the lumber 
trade, deal boards, pipe staves, &c. chiefly from New 
England. Also the Caribbee Islands have their horses 
from thence. It is then, in a great part, by means of 
New England, that the other plantations are made 
prosperous and beneficial. They pay customs in the 
plantations for the goods they export from thence into 
New England, and when those goods are brought into 
England, they pay the same again a second time, by 
which means not a little is contributed to the crown. 

Some manufactures there are amongst them, but not 
a twentieth part of what the country has need of. 
Most of their clothing, both as to woollen and linen, 
they have from England. They make returns in beaver, 
moose and deer skins, oil and iron, all which commodi- 
ties the country affords ; also by sugars and tobacco, 
which their own vessels fetch from other plantations, 
and transport to England. 

2. I know not whether there be a better place for 
shipping in the world ; nor can I say how many hun- 
dreds of vessels of their own building do belong to the 
country. They yearly build many good ships, some of 
which are sold here at London. The country abounds 
with pine trees, and also with excellent cedars and oak 
for building of vessels. Masts do yearly come from 
thence for the use of the king's navy. And it has been 
said by some, who understand affairs of this nature, that I 

Hutchinson Papers. 99 

whenever the king of England shall please, he may at 
the most easy rates build navies there for the benefit of 
the nation ; especially considering that ship timber is 
generally wanting in England and in Ireland, and the 
east-land oak is so very spongy. 

3. The people there are apt for martial employ- 
ments, having not only a natural courage, but being 
well instructed in military discipline. 

All the inhabitants, from sixteen to sixty years, in each 
town, are by the law and custom of the country to bear 
arms if occasion shall so require ; and that they may 
be fit to do so, they have in each town and village their 
training days eight times every year, w 7 herein they are 
exercised in military discipline, that so they may be ex- 
pert in war whenever his present majesty shall see 
cause to commissionate them thereunto. They are able 
(by the blessing of God) to enlarge his dominions, and 
to bring their French neighbours into a subjection to 
the crown of England. From this consideration it was, 
that the French ministers (who, all the world knows, 
had a mighty ascendant over Whitehall in the two late 
kings' reigns) caused some articles to be agreed on, 
where it is determined that, in case of war between 
England and France, there shall be a neutrality in the 
plantations ; for they saw, that if the king of England 
should arm his subjects in New England, the Frenchmen 
in these parts could not stand before them. 

In CromwelPs time they did, by order from England, 
take several forts from the French, which by King 
Charles the Second were restored to them again, no 
ways to the honour or interest of the English nation. 

I might have added, that the people of New England 
have merited encouragement by the great service which 
they have done for King William (whom God grant 
that he may long live and reign) and for the English 
nation, in securing that nation (which was done April 
18th, 1689,) for his present majesty against King 
Lewis and the abdicated King James. 

100 Hutchinson Papers. 

New England is the key of America. If the French 
king had got that into his possession, he would soon 
have been master of America ; and this in all probability 
would have been done this summer, if the New Eng- 
landers about Boston, perceiving what designs were 
carrying on, had not risen as one man and seized Sir 
Edmund Andros (who is as of a French extract, so in 
the French interests, being sent to New England by the 
late King James with an illegal and arbitrary commis- 
sion) and on those few ill men who joined with him in 
his tyranny. All men acknowledge that those brave 
souls at Londonderry, who have secured that place, and 
we hope saved Ireland by declaring for King William, 
deserve great acknowledgments. 

The like is to be said of the Protestants in New Eng- 
land, especially considering that they did this so early, 
before ever they knew that the Prince of Orange was 
king of England ; only they heard that he was landed 
here with a design to endeavour to deliver the English 
nation from popery and from arbitrary power, which 
they could not but look upon as an heroick undertaking, 
and acconuted it their duty to embark themselves in the 
same cause, before they knew what the issue of things 
would be. Can any deny but that this people have 
deserved respect and countenance from the king and 
from the whole nation ? 

Let me say that New England has, on the best ac- 
counts which can be mentioned, outdone all America. 
For there they have erected an University, which began 
anno 1642, and wherein things are managed pro more 
Academiarum in Anglid. Several persons of more than 
ordinary learning, yea, and many scores of able minis- 
ters of the gospel, have been there educated. By the 
statutes of the College, none are to be admitted before 
he can write Latin in a pure style, and translate any 
ordinary Greek author. It is customary with them, 
every morning in the College Hall, to read a chapter 
out of Hebrew, and at night a chapter out of the Greek 
original. The tutors there instruct their pupils in 

Hutchinson Papers. 101 

logick, natural and moral philosophy, metaphysicks, geog- 
raphy, astronomy, arithmetick and geometry, &c. 

In New England the whole Bible has been translated 
into the Indian language, and there also printed. Nay, 
I will be bold to say, that New England has outdone 
the whole world. For among the Indians, who awhile 
since were mere heathens, there are not only many con- 
gregations of them, who are converted to the Christian 
faith and the Protestant (which is the only true) reli- 
gion, but no less than four-and-twenty of these heathen 
are now not only Christians, but preachers of the gospel 
of Jesus Christ. And I challenge the whole world to 
produce the like instance. Undoubtedly, then, they are 
no good Protestants who are enemies to the welfare of 
such a people, whom the God of heaven hath delighted 
so signally to own and to bless. 

The declaration of Sylvanus Davis, Inhabitant of the 
Town of Falmouth in the province of Maine, in New 
England, concerning the cruel, treacherous and bar- 
barous Management of a War against the English in 
the eastern Parts of New England, by the cruel In- 
dians, being, as I doubt not, and as the Circumstances 
will appear, set upon their bloody Design by the French 
and their Abettors. 

Having the liberty of walking the town of Que- 
beck, and having opportunity of conferring with the 
gentlemen of the place, many were the outrages and 
insultings of the Indians upon the English (whilst Sir 
Edmond Andross was governour) at North Yarmouth, 
and other places at the eastward. The Indians killed 
sundry cattle, came into houses and threatened to knock 
the people on the head, and at several times gave out 
reports, that they would make war upon the English ; 

102 Hutchinson Papers. 

and that they were animated so to do by the French, the 
Indians behaving themselves so insulting, gave just cause 
of great suspicion. In order for the finding out the 
truth, and to endeavour the preventing a war, one 
Captain Blackman, a justice of peace, with some of the 
neighbourhood of Saco River, seized several Indians that 
had been bloody, murderous rogues in the first Indian 
war, being the chief ringleaders and most fittest and 
capable to do mischief. Said Blackman seized to the 
number of between sixteen and twenty, in order for their 
examination, and to bring in the rest to a treaty. Said 
Blackman soon sent the said Indians with a guard to 
Falmouth in Casco Bay, there to be secured until orders 
could come from Boston concerning them ; and in the 
mean time the said Indians were well provided with 
provisions and suitable necessaries. The rest of the 
Indians robbed the English, and took some English 
prisoners. Whereupon post was sent to Boston. Sir 
Edmond Andross being at New York, the gentlemen of 
Boston sent to Falmouth some soldiers for the defence 
of the country, and also the worshipful Mr. Stoughton, 
with others, to treat with the Indians, in order for the 
settling a peace and getting in of our English captives. 
As soon as the said gentlemen arrived at the eastward, 
they sent away one of the Indian prisoners to the rest 
of the Indians, to summon them to bring in the English 
they had taken, and also that their sachems should come 
in to treat with the English in order that just satisfaction 
should be made on both sides. The gentlemen waited 
the return of the Indian messenger, and when he return- 
ed he brought answer, that they would meet our Eng- 
lish at a place called Maquoite, and there they would 
bring in the English captives, and treat with the English. 
Although the place appointed by the Indians for the 
meeting was some leagues distant from Falmouth, yet 
our English gentlemen did condescend to it in hopes of 
getting in our captives, and put a stop to further trou- 
bles. They despatched away to the place, and carried the 
Indian prisoners with them, and staid at the place ap- 

Hutchinson Papers. 103 

pointed, expecting the coming of the Indians that had 
promised a meeting, but they, like false, perfidious 
rogues, did not appear. Without doubt, they had been 
counselled what to do by the French and their abettors, 
as the Indians did declare afterwards that they were 
near the place, and to our English that was to treat 
with them, but would not show themselves, but did en- 
deavour to take an opportunity to destroy our English 
that was to treat with them. Such hath been and was 
their treachery. Our gentlemen staid days to wait their 
coming, but seeing they did not appear at the place ap- 
pointed, they returned to Falmouth, and brought the 
Indian prisoners, expecting that the other Indians would 
have sent down some reason why they did not appear 
at the place appointed, and to make some excuse for 
themselves ; but instead of any compliances, they fell 
upon North Yarmouth, and there killed several of our 
English, whereupon the eastern parts was ordered to 
get into garrisons, and to be upon their guard until 
further orders from Sir Edmond Andross, and that the 
Indian prisoners should be sent to Boston, which was 
done with great care, not one of them hurt, and care 
took daily for them for provisions. When they arrived 
at Boston, the gentlemen there can give an account of 
their usage ; but Sir Edmond Andross, returning from 
New York, he set them all at liberty, not so much as 
taking care to redeem those of our English for them 
that was in their hands. I had kept one at Falmouth a 
prisoner, and to be a guide into the woods for our 
English to find out the haunts of our heathen enemies ; 
but Sir Edmond Andross sends an express unto me, that 
upon my utmost peril I should set the said Indian at lib- 
erty, and take care that all the arms that was taken from 
him, and all the rest of those Captain Blackman had 
seized, should be delivered up to them without any 
orders to receive the like of ours from them, which was 
very strange that a governour should be so careless of 
his majesty's subjects and interest. The names of those 
Indians that were in custody, that Sir Edmond Andross 

104 Hutchinson Papers. 

released, were, Hopehood, the Higuers, the Doneyes 
and others, all being cruel, murderous rogues in the 
first Indian war, and so proved all along in this last 
wars, being often passing through the country unto the 
French. The Indians daily making destruction upon 
our English, Sir Edmond Andross raised forces and 
marched through the country to the eastward. In his 
march he did rebuke the officers because they did get 
together into garrisons to defend themselves. How he 
managed his affairs, and what measures he did take with 
his instruments to impoverish this country, and with 
other nations to bring us to our wooden shoes, I leave 
to the information of those that took a more particular 
account ; but it pleased God, upon the happy change in 
England, the hearts of God's people was stirred up to 
adventure for the like change amongst us, and seized the 
instruments of our miseries, taking the government into 
their hands, and accordingly did endeavour to their 
power for the defence of the country against the com- 
mon enemy, the heathen, and French, who joined with 
them in cruel, barbarous manner, burning our towns, 
destroying their majesties' subjects with fire and sword, 
and all cruelty imaginable. Myself having command of 
a garrison in Falmouth for the defence of the same, a 
party of French from Canada, joined with a company of 
Indians, to the number of betwixt four or five hundred 
French and Indians, set upon our fort. The 16th of May 
1690, about dawning, began our fight; the 20th, about 
3 o'clock, afternoon, we were taken. They fought us 
five days and four nights, in which time they killed and 
wounded the greatest part of our men, burned all the 
houses, and at last we were forced to have a parley with 
them, in order for a surrender. We not knowing that 
there was any French among them, we set up a flag of 
truce in order for a parley. We demanded if there were 
any French amongst them, and if they would give us 
quarter. They answered, that they were Frenchmen, 
and that they would give us good quarter. Upon this 
answer, we sent out to them again, to know from 

Hutchinson Papers. 105 

whence they came, and if they would give us good 
quarter, both for our men, women and children, both 
wounded and sound, and that we should have liberty to 
i march to the next English town, and have a guard for 
our defence and safety unto the next English town — then 
we would surrender ; and also that the governour of 
the French should hold up his hand, and swear by the 
great and ever-living God, that the several articles 
should be performed. All which he did solemnly swear 
to perform ; but as soon as they had us in their custody, 
they broke their articles, suffered our women and chil- 
dren and our men to be made captives in the hands of 
the heathen, to be cruelly murdered and destroyed, 
many of them, and especially our wounded men ; only 
the French kept myself and three or four more, and car- 
ried us over land for Canada. I did desire the French, 
that seeing they would make us captives, that they 
would carry us all for Canada, or keep us together, and 
that I might have the liberty to send to Boston to the 
governour and council, in order that care might be taken 
for our ransom ; but they would not hear to any such 
terms, but told me that we were all rebels, and also Bos- 
ton, against our king, in that we had proclaimed William 
and Mary king and queen, and that they were usurpers 
to the crown ; and that they did fight for King James, as 
being under protection of the French king. About 
twenty-four days we were marching through the coun- 
try for Quebeck in Canada, by land and water, carrying 
our canoes with us. The chief of the Indians that came 
against us was those Indians that we had in hold, that 
Sir Edmond Andross ordered to be cleared, Sieur 
Castine and Madockawando, with their eastern forces. 
The French that took us came from Canada, in Februa- 
ry last past, designed for the destruction of Falmouth, 
by order from the governour there, the Earl of Fronte- 
nack. The commander's name was Monsieur Burniffe ; 
his lieutenant's name Monsieur Corte de March, who was 
at the taking of Schenectade. They brought several In- 
dians with them from Canada, and made up the rest of 

106 Hutchinson Pavers 

their forces as they marched through the woods from Can- 
ada. But I must say, they were kind to me in my travels 
through the country. Our provisions was very short — 
Indian corn and acorns — hunger made it very good, and 
God gave it strength to nourish. I arrived at Quebeck 
the 14th of June, 1690, where I was civilly treated by 
the gentry, and was soon carried to the fort before the 
governour, the Earl of Frontenack. He received me 

civilly, and discoursed with me, viz He told me that 

our new English at New York was the cause of the war 
in this country betwixt the French and English ; for the 
governour of New York had hired the New York In- 
dians to come over land, took and killed their people, 
and destroyed their country ; and they were willing to 
pass it by, rather than to make a war with the English ; 
but still they did continue, and hired the Indians to burn 
several of their people, that they had taken, which was 
a most cruel thing for one Christian to do to another, 
and that they would do no such cruel practice. I told 
them that New York and Boston was two distinct 
governments, and that the governour of New York 
must give a particular account to our king for his ac- 
tions, each for himself. He said we were one nation. 
I told him it was true, but two distinct governments. 
Also I told him, that the last Indian war we had a friend- 
ly commerce with the French, and for ought I know it 
might have been so still, had not they joined with the 
Indians and come over into our country, destroying our 
towns and people ; and that the governour of Boston had 
only raised forts to defend their majesties' subjects and 
interest against the heathen, and had not moved out our 
own bounds, but being forced thereunto by their join- 
ing with the Indians for the destruction of our country. 
He said we were all rebels against our king, in proclaim- 
ing the Prince of Orange to be our king, and he was 
but an usurper ; and that King James was our king, and 
the king of France was his protector. In brief, they told 
me if the government had not been changed, and that 
Sir Edmond Andross had continued governour, wei 

Hutchinson Papers. 107 

should have had no wars betwixt us, but we should 
have been all as one people, which I do believe there 
was a popish design against the Protestant interest in 
New England, as in other parts of the world. I told 
him that the condition was with us, viz. We were upon 
our guard in our towns, for the defence of our 
wives and children and country, and that little estate 
that God had given us, against a heathen, barbarous 
enemy, and they that had joined with them. And I said 
that they were like robbers that meet with honest men 
upon the highway, who fight to save their money, and 
when they are not able to defend themselves any longer, 
they beg for quarter, and gladly deliver their purse to 
preserve their lives, which is promised ; but as soon as 
the purse is delivered, the robbers cut the poor men's 
throats. This is our condition ; for we were promised 
good quarter, and a guide to conduct us to our English ; 
but now we are made captives, slaves and prisoners in 
the hands of the heathen. I thought I had to do with 
Christians, that would have been careful of their en- 
gagements, and not to violate and break their oaths. 
Whereupon the governour shaked his head, and, as I 
was told, was very angry with BurnifTe. The governour 
bid me be corag^d — I should be used well. I thanked 
him, and told him I did not value for myself, but did 
grieve for the rest of the captives that were in the 
hands of the Indians. He said he would take care 
that all that was taken with me should be got out of the 
hands of the Indians ; for they did look upon us under 
another circumstance than those that had been stirring 
up the Indians against them. I was very kindly used 
whilst my abode was at Quebeck ; and also several 
captives that was taken with me, that the Indians brought 
in, the French bought them and were kind to them. I 
was at Quebeck four months, and was exchanged for 
a Frenchman Sir William Phips had taken the 15th of 
'October, 1690. — Whilst my abode was at Quebeck, I 
did endeavour to acquaint myself with the strength of 
the place, and the measures they take for the manage- 

108 Hutchinson Papers. 

ment of their war, viz T find they will not be wanting 

by all means possible to have the possession of all New 
England, where our English are settled. In order there- 
unto, they do endeavour, by presents and sending their 
people through the country, with their friars by their 
delusions, to bring all Indians to be at their command 
for war. They commonly pass by land into the North- 
west Bay, where our English factory is, to set the In- 
dians against the English. There they have taken all 
our English factory, except Port Nelson, which they do 
intend to take this winter. In order thereunto, they 
have sent two ships they took in the North-west from 
Captain Bond and Captain John Outsure and others of 
our English, whom they keep in prison at Quebeck. 
The said two ships sailed from Quebeck in June last 
past for the North-West ; and they have sent a party of 
French over land to join with Indians and the said 
two ships for the destroying all our English factory 
there. They have commerce also with the Indians six 
or seven hundred leagues through the country, towards 
the rivers of Mexico ; and designed, if possible, by 
presents and other means, to bring the Maquis, and those 
Indians that are at friendship with our English, to be on 
their side, that they may have them also to join with 
them. The Jesuits and friars will spare no cost to bring 
their cruel treacheries about ; which if they can accom- 
plish, they will be in a fair way to subdue New England. 
They had designed to send out several parties of their 
French that can and do live in the woods as the Indians, 
which great part of their people can do, in some parties 
through the land in the winter, to join with the Indians 
to ruin our frontier towns in New England ; but it may 
be Sir William Phips hath put a stop to that design at 
present. But I know they will use all means possible 
to endeavour the destruction of their majesties' interest 
in New England and New York ; and if so, they will 
not stop there, but they will aim at all their majesties' 
interest in America, (I give my thoughts and upon 
good grounds,) if there is not care to prevent them ; and 

Hutchinson Papers. 109 

I humbly conceive the only way to prevent them from 
their bloody design is, to subdue their country, remove 
them off, and settle it with English before there be a 
peace settled betwixt the two nations ; for if a peace be, 
they will strengthen themselves and secure the favours 
of all Indians, and fight us in time of peace with Indians, 
and upon the first breach of a peace, fall upon the 
English with all their forces, and also all Indians on their 
sides, as they are at present judged. They cannot 
make in Canada above six or seven thousand fighting men, 
and they are dispersed at several small towns at great 
distance. Their living is most by the Indian trade, 
which is of a mighty value yearly, besides what they 
have from the North-west, since they have taken our 
English factory. Their land is very fertile, but they 
have not made such large improvements as our English 
have in New England ; for I find the trade with the 
Indians brings them in sufficient profit. There is good 
land and good timber if well improved ; and they say, 
at Morial, a town about sixty leagues up the river from 
the southward to Quebeck, all fruits will grow there as 
well as in France ; and that way they design their great 
farming, and so will settle through the country further 
and further upon the backs of the English ; but I hope 
God will prevent their Jesuitical, bloody designs. They 
say their king doth maintain fifteen hundred or two thou- 
sand soldiers, and sends over supply and pay for them year- 
ly, for the defence of the country ; and that all fortifications, 
with stores, ammunition, and all publick work, are done 
upon their king's account, and not by the inhabitants. Also 
they say, the French king sends over money yearly to 
defray other publick charges that may arise ; and there 
i is no publick duties paid but by the companies of the 
peltry, which makes me judge the incomes is great, 
where such publick charges is expended. The gentry 
at Qubeck are very courteous and civil, and live very 
splendid only by their trade ; but they have abundance 
of poor among them ; for, betwixt the churchmen and 
gentry, they are oppressed, but in such a subtile way that 


110 Hutchinson Papers. 

the poor people are not sensible of the cause of their 
misery, neither dare they complain if they were. The 
French, when they take any Indians or Maquis, that are 
their enemies, they do not kill them, but keep them very 
safe, give them clothes and victuals, and give them their 
liberty. Such measures they take to bring all Indians to 
be their friends. They have carried some Maquis, and 
other Indians that they have taken, for France, to see 
the state there ; and have brought them back to Que- 
beck, clothed them, gave them their liberty to live 
amongst them or go to their own country, to shew 
them their friends how kindly the French have used them. 
— Report of an army of English and Indians being at or 
near Morial, caused the governour, with what forces 
could be raised at Quebeck, to embark for Morial, up- 
on July 12, 1690, and left in Quebeck about two hun- 
dred men, gentlemen, merchants and tradesmen, to 
guard the town. There was sixty a night upon the 
guard, so that all the men in the town came upon the 
guard once in three nights, and their doubting that our 
English and Indians would be about them, they wrought 
every day to fortify the town round, which is with stock- 
adoes in the ground, and a bank breast high cast up 
against it, and upon every angle flankers of good stone 
and lime, that will entertain eight or ten men to fight in 
each flanker. There came often news from Morial of 
our army, which put the country in great fear. — 
Aug. 10. News came to town that our English had 
taken six French ships at the Isle of Percy, which 
set the greatest part at their wit's end what to do, 
doubting that our English were coming by land and 
water. News was carried to Morial, but the gover- 
nour could not come down from thence ; they had 
their hands full. — Aug. 18. News from Morial, that ! 
English and Indians had met with some of their French, 
and had slain about three men. — Sept. 3. News from 
Morial, that the Maques only had slain thirty French 
men, women and children. News that our ships was 
gone from the Isle of Percy, which much rejoiced the 

Hutchinson Papers. Ill 

people. — Sept. 19. News from Morial that the Maques 
had slain one of the king's captains, and about seventeen 
soldiers, and three or four inhabitants, which put all 
in great fear, bewailing their friends at Morial, and 
also their own danger. — Sept. 21 . News that two French 
men of war had met with five of our English ships 
upon the coast or Acadia, which made the very bells joy- 
ful. — Sept. 24. This day certain news brought to town 
of our English fleet being in the river. Now the joy 
of our ships being taken was drowned with grief, to 
think what would become of their ships that they did 
expect from France. Yet they were in some hopes that 
it might have been a French fleet ; but news came to 
town that our English had been ashore and was beaten 
off. The certain news put all in very great fears. They 
sent up to Morial to the governour for relief. All the 
country people near to Quebeck, which was not many, 
came in ; their number being up at Morial. Several of 
the inhabitants of Quebeck did speak of surrendering 
up to the English ; and I do judge they would have 
done so, if the Lord had gave opportunity for our fleet 
to get up to the town before their strength of soldiers 
had come down from Morial. The governour had sent 
out several parties to discover the motion of the Maquis ; 
his party returned with certain news that they were 
gone back over the lake, and that there was no enemies 
by land ; whereupon the governour ordered the forces 
from Morial and other places for Quebeck. — Oct. 1. 
The several troops began to come to town, and some 
Indians, which were despatched out to go down the 
river to discover the ships, and keep our men from 
landing at the Bishop's and the Isle of Orleans and 
elsewhere. — Oct. 4. The governour arrived with several 
troops of men. — Oct. 5. There arrived troops of men 
with what was in the town before about two thousand 
seven hundred, besides a party upon Orleans. — 
Oct. 6. Monday morning our English fleet were riding 
before the town, and then there was in the town about 
two thousand seven hundred brisk men, well armed ; 

112 Hutchinson Papers, 

and this day there came betwixt three or four hun- 
dred more by land. In the time of our fleet lying at 
Quebeck, provisions were very scarce ; very little bread 
or corn, and very little meat ; only a parcel of cattle 
drove into town, which they did kill for to supply their 
soldiers. If it had pleased God that the land army, as 
were supposed to be above, had staid longer about 
Morial, or our ships had come sooner, or weather had 
been such that they might have staid longer, without 
doubt we should have been masters of Canada. I hope 
the Lord will find out a way for the subduing those 
blood-thirsty rebels, that have joined with the cruel 
heathen to butcher so many poor innocent souls, whose 
blood is crying out, How long, Lord, how long, Holy 
and True, dost thou not judge and avenge our blood on 
them ! &c. 

Per me 


Sagatahock, November 29, 1690. 

At a Treaty of Peace with the eastward Indian Enemy 


Capt. John Alden, Sen. and divers other gentlemen 
receiving orders from the governour and council at Bos- 
ton in New England to treat with the said eastward 
sagamores in order to a truce, &c. at the place 
abovesaid, which accordingly was attended ; where the 
eastward sagamores came and delivered up ten of our 
English captives, which were all that they had there 
with them at that time. The Indians also had eight of 
their captives delivered up to them at the same time. 
And further the said sagamores, viz. Edgaremet, 
Walumbe, John Hawkins, Watombamet, Toquelmut, 
and Watumbomt, do hereby covenant, promise and agree, 

Hutchinson Papers. 113 

for themselves, their heirs, and all the eastward Indians 
now in open hostility with the English, from Pennecook, 
Winnepisseockeege, Ossepe, Pigwocket, Amoscongen, 
Pechepscut, Kennebeck River, and all other places 
adjacent, within the territory and dominions of the 
above-named sagamores, that neither themselves nor 
any other Indians belonging to the said places, shall do 
any harm, wrong or injury unto the persons nor estates 
of any of the English, who are their majesties' subjects, 
inhabiting, or that may inhabit, in the provinces of New 
Hampshire and Maine, or that belong unto any of their 
majesties' territories and dominion of New England, from 
the day of the date hereof until the first day of May 
next ensuing ; at which time all the above-named saga- 
mores do covenant, promise and agree to meet at the 
garrison-house of Lieut. Joseph Storer, at Wells, in 
the province of Maine, with the gentleman that the said 
governour and council shall send to said Wells, and 
draw up, sign and seal articles and peace between the 
said English and Indians ; at which time also the said 
sagamores do promise to bring to said Wells all the 
English captives that are in their hands, or that they can 
procure by that time, and surrender them up to the 
English ; and in the mean time, during the whole term 
of the abovesaid truce, if any others, either French or 
enemy Indians, shall entice them, or any of them, to harm 
the English, or plot or contrive any harm against the 
said English — that then they, the said sagamores, will 
timely discover the same to some English garrison, or 
seize and secure them, and bring them to the English ; 
and if at any time the said sagamores, or any of them, 
shall have occasion to speak with any English within 
the term of this truce, they coming with a flag of truce 
to the garrison of Lieut. Joseph Storer aforesaid, 
and not above three men at one time, of which one of 
said sagamores must be one, they shall then have free 
liberty to come and call at a distance to said garrison, 
and have access thereto. And the aforesaid Capt. John 
Alden and the rest of the gentlemen do promise, for the 

114 Hutchinson Papers. 

governour and council, and the English in the afore- 
named provinces, that in case the aforementioned arti- 
cles be firmly kept and observed by the sagamores 
and Indians aforesaid — that then the said English shall 
not harm any of them during the term of the abovesaid 
truce. And further it is agreed by the sagamores afore- 
said, that if the said governour and council will send for 
their captives to Casco sooner than the time abovesaid, 
and establish a peace there — that then the said saga- 
mores, having timely notice of it, they shall and will 
attend it. In testimony whereof, the said parties have 
interchangeably set to their hands and seals, the day 
and year already specified. 

EDGAREMET. [Mark and Seal. 

TOQUELMUT. [Mark and Seal/ 

WATUMBOMT. [Mark and Seal. 

WATOMBAMET.* [Mark and Seal/ 
WALUMBE. [Mark and Seal. 

JOHN HAWKINS. [Mark and Seal. 

[Mark] DEWANDO. 

NED [Mark.] HIGON. 



Signed and sealed interchangeably, upon the water, in 
canoes, at Sackatehock, when the wind blew. 

To the Governour of Boston and of New England, 
and to the Gentlemen of his Council. 

Seeing that Mr. Phips and madam his wife have 
circulated a report, that every thing that was taken 
from me at Port Royal has been restored to me, and 
that I am quite satisfied ; I have thought it was necessa- 
ry to shew the contrary to the governour of Boston and 

* [There is some uncertainty about the initial letter of this chieftain. * n 
one place it is W, but here it is N. Ed.] 

Hutchinson Papers. 115 

of New England, and to the gentlemen of his council, in 
order that they may have the goodness to have justice 
done me as regards my fair rights, such as I demand 
them according to the present memoir, upon which I 
pray them to let me be heard before them in full council, 
by the means of a good and faithful interpreter, offering 
to prove by his writing and by good English witnesses, 
that he made a capitulation with me, which it is just 
should be observed, in default of which I protest for all 
damages and interest, who has done or caused to be done 
all the wrongs mentioned here below, which he is obliged 
to repair, in strict justice, and according to the laws 
of war and of reason. 

Account of the Silver and Effects, which Mr. Phijps keeps back 
from Mr. de Meneual, Governour of Acadia, and which he has 
not restored to him. 

First. — Four hundred and four pistoles, the balance 
of five hundred and four pistoles, which 1 confidentially 
put into his hands. 

Six silver spoons. 

1 Six silver forks. 

Two large silver tumblers. 

One silver cup in the shape of a gondola. 

One silver-mounted sword. 

A small silver flask. 

Two pair of silver shoe-buckles. 

A scarf of gold and silver tissue. 

A very handsome musket, entirely new. 

A pair of pistols. 

A box. 

A large leather trunk. 

A dress of green cloth. 

Two dressing gowns of linen, trimmed with lace. 

A grey vest, entirely new. 

Three new wigs. 

Three pair of new shoes. 

116 Hutchinson Papers. 

Two sword belts. 

Two mirrors. 

Two pair of stout winter stockings, new. 

One pair of fine summer stockings, new. 

Four pair of silk garters. 

Two under waistcoats of Dutch linen, trimmed wit! 

Two dozen of shirts. 

Four pair of linen drawers. 

Six vests of dimity. 

One grey and one black hat. 

Two dozen of books, French, Italian and Spanish. 

Twelve cravats of lace. 

Four pair of lace ruffles. 

Three kerchiefs of lace. 

Four nightcaps, with lace edgings. 

Fifteen pocket handkerchiefs, three without lace. 

Twelve cravats, three without lace. 

Eight nightcaps, without lace. 

Twelve pair of new socks. 

One case containing three razors and a hone. 

And a quantity of other things, such as gloves, new 
ribbons in the piece, of various colours, &c. 

Two woollen mattresses from my bed. 

Four blankets, two large and two small. 

Two large pair of fine sheets. 

All my table linen, with the exception of two cloths 
and six napkins, which he has returned to me. 

All my kitchen linen. 

All my table service of fine tin. 

All my kitchen utensils. 

One piece of French linen, new. 

One small piece of cambrick. 

Two chests of my servants, with their effects ; not 
counting those of my cook, which he has given up. 

One large blanket and four pair of sheets of my 

Two hogsheads of French wine. 

One half pipe of French brandy. . 

Hutchinson Papers. 117 

One barrel containing fifty pounds of white sugar. 
Three barrels of flour and other provisions. 

Further, he ought to render an account of the silver 
and effects and merchandize in the warehouse of Mr. 
Perrot, who as a citizen could not be pillaged, accord- 
ing to the capitulation : 

The effects, money and cattle of the inhabitants, 
which have been pillaged contrary to the promise given : 

The money and effects of the soldiers, that have 
been taken from them : 

The sacred vessels and ornaments of the church, and 
every thing that has been broken, and the money and 
effects of the priests. 

All which things I demand should be restored, in virtue 
of my capitulation ; also, as is just, that their arms and 
liberty should be given to the soldiers of my garrison, 
and their passage to Quebeck or France, as he promis- 
ed me to do. 

I certify all the foregoing to be true, in faith of which 
I have made and signed the present memoir at Boston, 
this 4th day of December, 1690. 


Governour of Acadia. 

Plymouth, February 20, 1690 — 9L 
Dear Son, 

This is my third epistle to you this week. I 

hope all may fetch from you what news Mr. R 

hath in his letters, and what is in Mr. Wiswall's last to 
| the governour by Mr. Prince. Pray speak to Mr. Rus- 
sell and the governour, if you see them at lecture next 
i week, and let them give their judgment what answer to 
| give to that clause in Mr. Dummer's letter, concerning 
the ordering of the contribution to each town. I sup- 

118 Hutchinson Papers. 

pose an equal division betwixt the two towns may give 
best satisfaction. After that lecture hasten those letter* 
to me, for others need to see them. J. Howland and J 
Nelson carried your mother briskly to Boston on Mon 
day ; they were at Roxbury by sunset. On Tuesday 
John Allyn and a son of Capt. Bradbury's brought hei 
a letter from son Allyn, signifying all (especially Betty ^ 
were well on Monday morning, waiting and longing foi 
her coming. Their horses they left at Winnesimmitt 
Thursday morning they designed thence to Ipswich 
and this day to Salisbury, and the weather is very com- 
fortable for their purpose. They brought news, thai 
just before their coming from home they heard thai 
(the particular place J. H. and J. N. who returnee 
hither on Wednesday, cannot tell) there were seer 
tracks of snow-shoes of some hundreds of Indians, 
which hath occasioned those eastern parts already tc 
run into garrisons. They say, Boston town hath nol 
been so healthful these divers years as just now it is, 
Old Capt. and Deacon Capen died of the small pox al 
Dorchester this week. Mr. Stoughton hath <£60C 
from the corporation ; we may no doubt easily to have 
our salaries now. I have written to him by J. Morton, 
who yet waits for a fair wind. William Bret hath sent 
you 15 pounds of hay-seed, and a letter with it, foi 
15 shillings : if you will order its conveyance to you^ 
you may have it : we received it but yesterday. I had 
another letter from Boston, part of which 1 transcribe, 
because I expect not to see you quickly. 

" I think I wrote you lately an easy word or two 
about a New England gentleman, lately returned to us 
from the other side of the water. My design (as well 
as the design of the gentleman in England, who enabled 
me so to write) was to prevent some intemperances, 
which I feared among ourselves ; but I wish the word 
unwritten, for I can assure you, the curse, Let him that 
is unjust, be unjust still, is dreadfully upon that person,i 
and poor New England owes nothing to him but 
prayers to be delivered from his machinations : Nor 

Hutchinson Papers. 119 

would have I you too far trust the character I give 
f # # f or ^ ma y b e sa j(j a bout the men of his way, 
The best of them is a briar. 

" If you will take my opinion about your affairs, it will 
be useless to send your good governour to England. 
Sir Henry Ashurst (not to mention any body else) will 
be more able to bring noble persons into your interests, 
than any one that can go from hence *; and half the money 
necessary to bear the charges of an agent from hence, 
would make Sir Henry capable of doing ten times the 
service for you. Besides, it will be a desperate thing 
for the old gentleman to run the hazard of being carried 
into France. The king had ordered our charter to be 
drawn up, which was done accordingly, and he used so 
particular a conduct for the diverting of the intrigues 
our enemies might use to defeat his kind purposes for 
us, that we have all the assurance in the world, nothing 
but a miraculous and prodigious dispensation of the 
sovereign God can cause us to miss of it. Mr. D. never 
had opportunity to know what steps were taken for us, 
and the stories he tells about these things are but a 
branch of his designs to distract, enfeeble and affrighten 
his country, whom, I doubt, he has not yet forgiven. 
My father obtained an order from the king to Sir G. 
Treby, the attorney general, and Sir J. Somers, the solici- 
tor general, and another eminent lawyer, to pass their 
judgment upon the validity of Connecticut charter, and 
they gave it in, That the charter was as good as ever it 
was, and the government there should proceed upon it. 
This is the instrument now sent over to them, and I 
have newly transmitted it. If the tories won't be quiet, 
they shall quickly see some things in print, which they 
will be ashamed of. As soon as my newspapers all come 
into my hands, I hope to send you a large parcel of 
them : " Hasc ille. 

Did I not repose great confidence in you, I would not 
thus write to you ; but what you impart you will do it 
wisely, and not expose me or my intimate friend. The 
Lord bless you in your work, and make you grow daily 

120 Hutchinson Papers. 

more and more like J. A. Prepare a choice letter to 
thank your cousin Mather. I have sent to him by J. 
Morton, for your great book. His wife is abroad ; 
his child hath had the small pox and is almost well. 
Your sister and brother salute you ; my love to you, etc. 
I am your loving father, 


[In the Margin.] 
Your brother John hath preached two or three Sabbaths 
at the Bank. Your mother so writes to me, and no more but 
he and his are all well. 

These for Mr. Rowland Cotton, \ 
Preacher of the Gospel at Sand- > 
wich. ) 

[1690 or 1691. — This Petition to the king was got up in London by 
the agents opposed to Increase Mather. Probably the handwriting 
of the Reasons is Cooke's. Ed.] 

To the King^s most excellent Majesty, 

The humble petition of several persons having con- 
siderable interest in New England and the Jersies 

That your majesty having directed the right honoura- 
ble the Earl of Shrewsbury, upon inquiry, with those 
persons who have the most considerable interests in New 
England, New York and the Jersies, to present to your] 
majesty the names of such persons as may be thought 
fit at this time to be governour and lieutenant governour 
of those parts ; whereof we receiving notice crave leave 
most humbly to represent to your majesty, that the *in- 
habitants and proprietors of the colonies of New Eng- 
land and the Jersies have always had, by virtue of their 

Hutchinson Papers. 121 

charters and grants, a power to choose their respective 
governours ; and the honourable House of Commons 
having voted the prosecution against, and taking away 
such charters and franchises, to be illegal, and a griev- 
ance, and that they be restored and confirmed — it is 
humbly conceived, that the appointing of a governour 
by your majesty over the colonies of New England and 
the Jersies, is inconsistent with the said charters and 
grants, (against one of which only judgment hath past,) 
and with the votes aforesaid, and will be a great disap- 
pointment to the hopes of your subjects there and here, 
grounded upon your majesty's most gracious declara- 

Your petitioners therefore most humbly pray, that 
your majesty would be graciously pleased, that the re- 
spective charters, grants, rights and liberties of the said 
colonies of New England and the Jersies may be restor- 
ed and confirmed accordingly. 

And your petitioners shall ever pray. 

Reasons against sending a Governour to New England. 

1. The people there have by their charters power to 
choose their own governours, and all other officers ; and 
all their charters are in force still, excepting one, there 
having been no judgments passed against them, nor any 
surrenders ; and as for that one, against which judgment 
has been entered, it proceeded by a scire facias, &c. ille- 
gally managed. 

2. They that are concerned for New England do con- 
fidently affirm, that there is not one in an hundred, nay, 
not one in a thousand, of the inhabitants there, who does 
not desire that their government by charter might be 
continued to them. If the king shall please to gratify 
their desires therein, they will cheerfully expose them- 
selves, and all that is dear to them in this world, to serve 


122 Hutchinson Papers. 

his majesty. But if their former rights and privileges he 
withheld from them, it will cause an universal dissatisfac- 
tion and discouragement amongst the inhabitants. Nor 
can any thing be thought of that will more endanger 
their being ruined by the French or other enemies near 
them, except taking from them their charter rights, as is 
manifest in that when they enjoyed their charter, they 
easily subdued their enemies, but since that it has been 

By the Governour and Council. 

Proposals offered to Capt. Kid and Capt. Walkington to 
encourage their going forth on their Majesties'* Service^ 
to suppress an enemy Privateer now upon this Coast. 

That they have liberty to beat up drums for forty 
men a-piece, to go forth on this present expedition, not 
taking any children or servants without their parents 
or masters' consent. A list of the names of such as go 
in the said vessels to be presented to the governour be- 
fore their departure. 

That they cruise upon the coast for the space of ten 
or fifteen days in search of the said privateer, and then 
come in again and land the men supplied them from 

That what provisions shall be expended within the 
said time, for so many men as are in both the said vessels, 
be made good to them at their return, in case they take 
no purchase ; but if they shall take the privateer, or 
any other vessels, then only a proportion of provisions 
for so many men as they take in here. 

If any of our men happen to be wounded in the en- 
gagement with the privateer, that they be cured at the 
publick charge. 

That the men supplied from hence be proportionable 

Hutchinson Papers. 123 

sharers with other the men belonging to said vessels, of 
all purchase that shall be taken. 

Besides the promise of a gratuity to the captains, 
twenty pounds a-piece in money. 

Boston, June 8th, 1691. 

Propositions of Capt. Kid. 

Imprimis. To have forty men, with their arms, provi- 
sions and ammunition. 

2dly. All the men that shall be wounded, which have 
been put in by the country, shall be put on shore, and 
the country to take care of them. And if so fortunate 
as to take the pirate and her prizes, then to bring them 
into Boston. 

3dly. For myself to have one hundred pounds in 
money ; thirty* pounds thereof to be paid down, the 
rest upon my return to Boston : and if we bring in said 
ship and her prizes, then the same to be divided amongst 
our men. 

4thly. The provisions to be put on board me must 
be, ten barrels pork and beef, ten barrels of flour, two 
hogsheads of peas, and one barrel of gunpowder for the 
great guns. 

5thly. That I will cruise on the coast for ten days 5 
time ; and if so that he is gone off the coast, that I cannot 
hear of him, I will then, at my return, take care and set 
what men on shore that 1 have had, and are willing to 
leave me or the ship. 

Capt. Walkington is also willing to serve the country 
on the same terms, that is to say, to have so many men, 
arms, provisions and ammunition, and same care for the 
wounded men, and for so much money, and so much in 
hand, and the same quantity of provisions to be put on 

124 Hutchinson Papers. 

The Examination of Elizabeth Johnson, taken before me, 
Dudley Bradstreet, one of their Majesties' Justices of the 
Peace for Essex, this 10th of August, 1692. 

Elizabeth Johnson, being accused of witchcraft, 
confessed as followeth : 

That Goody Carrier brought a book to her, and that 
she set her hand to it. 

That Goody Carrier baptized her, when she baptized 
her daughter Sarah. And that Goody Carrier told her 
she should be saved if she would be a witch. 

That she had been at Salem village with Goody Car- 
rier, and that she had been at the mock sacrament there, 
and saw Mr. Borroughs there. 

She confessed also, that she had afflicted several per- 
sons. That the first she afflicted was Lawrence Lacy. 
And that she and Thomas Carrier afflicted Sarah Phelps, 
and Maxy Walcutt, and Ann Putman, the 9th instant, 
and that she afflicted them this day as she, came to town. 

And that she hath afflicted a child of Ephraim Davis, 
the 9th instant and this day, by pinching it. And that 
she afflicted Ann Putman with a spear. 

That she and Goody Carrier afflicted Benjamin 

That Goody Toothaker and two of her children were 
with her the last night, when she afflicted the children. 

She also confessed that one Daniel Eimes, of Boxford, 
was with her on the 8th and 9th instant, at night ; and 
he afflicted Sarah Phelps, and told her he had been a 
witch ever since he ran away. 

And that she had a hand in afflicting Timothy Swan. 

The Examination of Thomas Carrier, taken the day above- 
said before me, Dudley Bradstreet, &c. 

Thomas Carrier, being accused of witchcraft, 
confessed that he was guilty of witchcraft, and that he 

Hutchinson Papers. 125 

had been a witch a week, and that his mother taught 
him witchcraft. 

That a yellow bird had appeared to him and spoke to 
him ; at which he being affrighted, his mother appeared 
to him and brought him a book, and bid him set his hand 
to it, telling him it would do him good if he did so, and 
that she would tear him in pieces if he would not. 

That his mother baptized him in Shaw-shin River, 
pulled off his clothes and put him into the river, and that 
his mother then told him, he was her's for ever. 

That his mother bid him afflict Maxy Walcutt, Ann 
Putman and Sarah Phelps. And that he went, the 
9th instant, at night, to John Chandler's ; that there 
were ten in company with him, who rid upon two poles ; 
that there were three men in the company, and two of 
the women belonged to Ipswich, whose names were 
Mary and Sarah ; and that he saw Betty Johnson in the 

And confessed that he did, the 9th instant, at night, 
afflict Sarah Phelps and Ann Putman by pinching them. 


The Examination of Sarah Carrier, taken before me, 
Dudley Bradstreet aforesaid, the day aforesaid. 

Sarah Carrier confessed, being accused of witch- 
craft, as followeth : 

That she hath been a witch ever since she was six 
years old. That her mother brought a red book to her, 
and she touched it. 

That her mother baptized her in Andrew Foster's 
pasture, the day before she went to prison. And that 
her mother promised her she should not be hanged. 

That her mother taught her how to afflict folks by 
pinching them or sitting on them. That she began to 
afflict Sarah Phelps last Saturday, and Betty Johnson 
was with her. 


126 Hutchinson Papers. 

That her mother gave her a spear last night, and that 
she pricked Ann Putman and Sarah Phelps with it. 
DUDLEY BRADSTREET, Justice of Peace. 

[This unhappy child, between seven and eight years old, was again 
examined, the next day, by other magistrates, and confessed more 
impossibilities. See II. Hutch. 47. Ed.] 


I thought it meet to give you this broken ac- 
count, hoping it may be of some service. I am wholly 
unacquainted with affairs of this nature, neither have the 
benefit of books for forms, &c. ; but being unadvisedly 
entered upon service I am wholly unfit for, beg that my 
ignorance and failings may be as much covered as con- 
veniently may be ; which will be ever acknowledged by 
Your poor and unworthy servant, 


I know not whether to make any returns. Bonds f 
have taken. The custos rotulorum I know not, &x. 

To the Honoured Bartholomew Gedney, ^ 
John Hathorne, Esq. or any of their ( 
Majesties'* Justices of the Peace in Salem, C 
these humbly present. J 

I. The New Settlement of the Birds in New England, 

1 . The birds had maintained good order among them- 
selves for several years, under the shelter of charters by 
Jupiter granted to several flocks among them : But hea- 
ven, to chastise many faults too observable in its birds, 
left them to be deprived of their ancient settlements. 
There were birds of all sorts in their several flocks ; for 
some catched fish, some lived upon grains ; the wood- 
peckers also made a great figure among them ; some of 
them scraped for their living with their claws ; and many 
supplied their nests from beyond sea. Geese you may 

Hutchinson Papers, 127 

be sure there were good store, as there are everywhere. 
Moreover, when they had lost their charters, those po- 
etical birds called harpies became really existent, and 
visited these flocks, not so much that they might build 
nests of their own, as plunder and pull down the nests 
of others. 

2. There were many endeavours used by an eagle 
and a goldfinch, afterwards accompanied with two more, 
— no less deserving the love of all the flocks, than desir- 
ous to serve their interest, — that flew into Jupiter's palace, 
for the resettlement of good government among the birds. 
These endeavours did for awhile prosper no further than 
to stop the inroads of harpies or locusts ; but at length 
Jupiter's court was willing that Jupiter's grace, which 
would have denied nothing for the advantage of them, 
whose wings had carried them a thousand leagues to 
serve his empire, should not be hindered from giving 
them a comfortable settlement, though not exactly in 
their old forms. 

3. Upon this there grew a difference of opinion be- 
tween some that were concerned for the welfare of the 
birds. Some were of opinion, that if Jupiter would not 
reinstate the birds in all their ancient circumstances, they 
had better accept of just nothing at all, but let all things 
be left for the harpies to commit as much rapine as they 
were doing when they were ejecting every poor bird out 
of his nest, that would not, at an excessive rate, produce 
a patent for it ; and when Canary birds domineered over 
all the flocks. Others were of opinion, that the birds 
ought rather thankfully to accept the offers of Jupiter ; 
and if any thing were yet grievous, they might shortly 
see a fitter season to ask further favours, especially con- 
sidering that Jupiter made them offers of such things as 
all the other American birds would part with more than 
half the feathers on their backs to purchase. He offer- 
ied that the birds might be everlastingly confirmed in 
their titles to their nests and fields. He offered that not 
so much as a twig should be plucked from any tree the 
birds would roost upon, without their own consent. He 

128 Hutchinson Papers. 

offered that the birds might constantly make their own 
laws, and annually choose their own rulers. He offered 
that all strange birds might be made uncapable of a seat 
in their council. He offered that it should be made im- 
possible for any to disturb the birds in singing of their 
songs to the praise of their Maker, for which they had 
sought liberty in the wilderness. Finally, he offered 
that the king's-fisher should have his commission to be 
their governour until they had settled what good orders 
among them they pleased ; and that he should be more 
concerned than ever now to defend them from the 
French kites that were abroad. The king's-fisher indeed ! 
was to have his negative upon the birds, but the birds [ 
were to have a negative too upon the king's-fisher ; and j 
this was a privilege beyond what was enjoyed by the 
birds in any of the plantations, or even in Ireland itself. 
4. The birds, not being agreed in their opinion, re- 
solved that they would refer it to reasonable creatures 
to advise them upon this question — which of these was 
to be chosen ; but when the reasonable creatures heard 
the question, they all declared none that had any reason 
could make any question of it. 

II. The Elephants Case a little stated. 

1. When Jupiter had honoured the elephant with a 
commission to be governour over the wilderness, there 
were certain beasts that began to quarrel with him for 
accepting that commission. The chief matter of mutter 
among themselves was to this purpose : They had no- 
thing to say against the elephant; he was as good as he 
was great; he loved his king and country better thani 
himself, and was as universally beloved. But (they said) 
they feared he was but a shoeing-horn ; in a year or 
two either Isgrim the wolf, or Bruin the bear, would suc- 
ceed him. Jupiter's commissions may come into such I 
hands as will most cruelly oppress those, whom Jupiter 
most graciously designs to protect. 

Hutchinson Papers. 129 

2. The elephant understood these growlings, and as- 
sembling the malecontents, he laid these charms upon 
them : " My countrymen, 'tis I that have kept off the 
shoe, whereof ye are so afraid. I had refused the com- 
mission for your government, if I had not seen that you 
had certainly come into Isgrim's or Bruin's hands upon my 
refusal. My desire is, that Jupiter may have the satis- 
faction of seeing you saved from the dangers of perishing 
either by division among yourselves, or by invasion from 
abroad, was what caused me to accept my commission. 
Besides, Jupiter hath now favoured you with such cir- 
cumstances, that if Isgrim or Bruin themselves should 
come, they could not hurt you without your own consent. 
They might not raise one tax, or make one law, or con- 
stitute one civil office, or send one soldier out of the 
province, without your concurrence. And if, after all 
that I have done for you, not only employing of my 
purse, but also venturing my life to serve you, you have 
no better name for me than a shoeing-horn, yet I have 
at least obtained this for you, that you have time to shape 
your foot, so as, whatever shoe comes, it shall sit easy 
upon you." 

3. Upon this the whole forest, with grateful and 
cheerful hearts, gave thanks unto the elephant ; and they 
aspired to such an exercise of reason, in this as well as 
in other cases, that they might not be condemned to 
graze under Nebuchadnezer's belly. 

III. Mercury 's Negotiation. 

1. Mercury had been long diverted from his desired 
employment of carrying messages between earth and 
heaven, by his agency in Jupiter's palace on the behalf 
of the sheep, for whom he was willing to do the kindness 
of a shepherd. It grieved his heart within him to see 
the beasts of prey breaking in upon the sheep, after their 
folds had been by the foxes broken down. 

2. He laboured with an assiduous diligence to get 

130 Hutchinson Papers. 

the sheep accommodated in all their expectations : But 
after long waiting and seeking to get their folds rebuilt 
after the old fashion, he found it necessary to comply 
with such directions as Jupiter, by the advice of Janus, 
had given for the new shaping of the folds ; otherwise 
he saw the poor sheep had been left without any folds 
at all ; and he could not but confess, the new modelling 
of the folds would more effectually defend them, in these 
days of common danger, from the wolves, though some 
inconveniences in it had caused him always to use all 
means for the sheep's better satisfaction. 

3. When Mercury returned to the sheep, he found 
them strangely metamorphosed from what they were, 
and miserably discontented. He found that such things 
as the sheep would have given three quarters of the 
fleece on their backs to have purchased, when he first! 
went from them, they were now scarce willing to accept 
of. He found that there were, (though a few,) which 
had the skins of sheep on them, and yet, by their claws 
and growls, were indeed, he knew not what. He was 
ready to inquire, whether no mad dogs had let fall their 
slaver upon the honest sheep, since he found here andi 
there one begun to bark like them, and he feared 
whether these distempers might not hinder their ever 
being folded more. 

4. Orpheus had an harp, which sometimes formerly 
had reduced the beasts unto a temper little short of 
reason, and being jealous lest the hard censures bleated; 
out against Mercury (as if he had been the cause of their 
new forms now brought upon the folds) might produce 
ill effects, he improved his harp upon this occasion. I 
don't remember the rhythm of his notes, but the reason i 
was to this purpose : " Pray, all you friends, which of 
Mercury's administrations is it whereat you are so much! 
offended ? Are you angry because he evidently ventured i 
the ruin of his person and family by the circumstances of 
his first appearance in Saturn's palace for you ? Are you 
angry because, for divers years together, he did, with 
an industry indefatigable to a prodigy, solicit for the 

Hutchinson Papers. 131 

restoration of your old folds ; but with a vexation like 
that of Sysiphus, who was to roll a great stone up an 
high hill, from whence he was presently kicked down, 
so that the labour was all to begin again ? Are you an- 
gry because he has employed all the interest which God 
has wonderfully given him with persons of the greatest 
quality, to increase the number of your powerful friends ; 
addressing the king and queen, the nobility, the conven- 
tion and the parliaments, until the resettling of your old 
folds was most favourably voted for you ? Is your anger 
because the signal hand of heaven overruled all these 
endeavours ? Or is your displeasure that he hath cost you 
a little money to support his negotiations ? I am to tell 
you, that he spent two hundred pounds of his own personal 
estate in your service — never like to be repaid. He made 
over all his own American estate, that he might borrow 
more to serve you. At length he has obtained in boon for 
your college, and in the bounty, which he lately begged 
of the royal Juno, (a bounty worth more than fourteen 
or sixteen hundred pounds sterling,) got more for you 
than he has yet expended for your agency. Had you 
not starved your own cause, you had never missed so 
much as you say you have of your own expectations. 
Besides, how came you to have your title to all your 
lands and properties confirmed for ever ? Not one of 
you doth own one foot of land, but what you are now 
beholden to Mercury for your being undisturbed in it. 
Are you displeased because you have not a reversion of 
the judgment against your folds ? It was none of his 
fault; and had such a thing happened, you had then 
been far more miserable than you are now like to be : 
for both Plymouth and the eastern provinces had been 
most certainly put under a commission government ; so 
likewise had Hampshire ; and if they should have a 
Brellin, yet his government would have reached as far 
south as Salem itself. How finely had your flock been 
deprived of your trade by this, and squeezed into an 
atom ! Nor could you have proceeded again, as former- 
ly, upon your charter, without being quo-warrantoed. 

132 Hutchinson Papers. 

Are you displeased because he did accept of Jupiter 5 * 
offers ? I say he did not accept, and the way is left oper 
for you to recover all the liberties you would have, wher 
you see a time to move in a legal way for it. Yea, he 
did absolutely reject as many of the offers as he could, 
and procured them to be altered. The rest he did nol 
refuse, because you had infallibly been left open to a 
western condition, if he had gone on to protest. More- 
over, you yourselves had forbidden him to refuse. Are 
you troubled because your liberties, whether as Chris- 
tians or as Englishmen, are fully secured ? Are you 
troubled because you have privileges above any part o! 
the English nation whatsoever, either abroad or at home I 
Are you troubled that your officers are to be for ever 
your own ; so that, if you please, you may always have 
your judges as at the first, and the counsellors as at the be- 
ginning ? Is it your trouble that, by being without youi 
charter, you are put into a condition to do greater and 
better things for yourselves than the charter did contain, 
or could have done ? Did any man living more zealousl) 
oppose those one or two things that you account unde- 
sirable, than this faithful Mercury, at whom you fret for 
those things ? Or must very much good be frowardlj 
thrown away, because 'tis not all ? If you would have 
more, don't blame your Mercury that you have so 
much." — So sang Orpheus, and, for the better harmonj 
of the musick, eleven more of the celestial choristers 
joined with him in it. 

5. The sound of those things caused the sheep to be 
a little better satisfied ; but Mercury was not much con- 
cerned whether they were or no, for he looked elsewhere 
for all the reward of his charitable undertakings ; and 
he knows, he that would do froward sheep a kindness 
must do it them against their wills ; only he wished the 
sheep would have a care of all snakes in the grass, who 
did mischief by insinuating, and employed their hisses to 
sow discord. 

Hutchinson Papers. 133 

IV. An additional Story of the Dogs and the Wolves, the 
Substance of which was used, an hundred and fifty Years 
ago, by Melancthon, to unite the Protestants. 

1. The wolves and the dogs were going to meet 
each other in a battle, upon a certain old quarrel that 
was between them ; and the wolves, that they might 
know the strength of the dogs aforehand, sent forth a 

2. The scout returned, and informed the wolves that 
the dogs were more numerous than they. Nevertheless, 
he bid them not be discouraged ; for the dogs were not 
only divided into three or four several bodies, which had 
little disposition to help one another, but also they were 
very quarrelsome among themselves. One party was 
for having the army formed one way, and another party 
another. Some were not satisfied in their commanders ; 
and the commanders themselves had their emulations. 
Nor did there want those among them, that accounted 
it more necessary to lie down where they were, and 
hunt and kill flees, than march forth to subdue wolves 
abroad. In short, there was little among them but 
snapping and snarling at one another ; And therefore, 
said he, monsieurs, let's have at them : we shall easily 
play the wolf upon them that have played the dog upon 
one another. 

3. This is a story so old, that, as the good man said, 
I hope it is not true. 

To his Excellency and Council. 

Inasmuch as the peace, by the good hand of God 
lately restored in the eastern parts of this province, 
affords a return of the opportunity to gospelize the In- 


134 Hutchinson Papers, 

dians in those parts ; the former neglects whereof, 'tis to 
be feared, have been chastised in the sore disasters, 
which the late wars with the salvages have brought 
upon us : 

We do now humbly solicit your excellency and coun- 
cil, by all fit methods, to encourage a design of propa- 
gating the Christian faith among those miserable people 
That so we may answer our profession, in the first set- 
tlement of this country, as well as the direction of our 
present charter : And that the French essays to prose- 
lyte the heathen unto popish idolatry, may not exceed 
our endeavours to engage them unto the evangelical 
woship of our Lord Jesus Christ : And that we may 
the more comfortably hope for the blessing of God on 
our trade in those parts, when we seek first the interests 
of his kingdom there : Which is the concurrent desire 
and prayer of, 

Your excellency's and honours' 

Most sincere servants, 


October 2, 1693. CHARLES MORTON. 


Paris, January 26, 1698. 
May it please your Lordships, 

Having, some time before my coming from Eng- 
land to this place, laid before your honours a certain 
memorialrelating to the 8th article in the treaty of peace 
concluded between his majesty and the French king, 
which as you then did approve of, so likewise were 
pleased to lay your commands for further information of 

Hutchinson Papers. 135 

any thing that might happen or occur to my knowledge 
by my being in France, and by my acquaintance with 
those here, who are more particularly interested in those 
countries, wherein I have not been wanting, to sound 
their intentions as far as opportunity has permitted, and 
am thereby the more confirmed of the necessity in as- 
serting and maintaining our right in the fishery, and 
having them especially inserted by articles, conformable 
to my memorial as aforesaid. What I have now further 
to add for your lordships' information is, That the French 
will endeavour — and accordingly instructions will be 
given unto their commissioners — to endeavour to extend 
their limits unto the River of Kennebeck, making that 
the boundary between us on the eastern parts of New 
England, under the plausible pretence that, that river 
being more noted, and of the largest extent of any in 
those parts, crossing through the land almost unto the 
great river of Canada, they thereby shall be able to 
withhold the Indians under such a noted boundary from 
any further excursions upon us on the western side. But 
presuming that it will not be disagreeable unto your 
lordships that I give my sentiments herein — which I the 
rather do to prevent any surprise or mistake, which may 
arise from any their specious pretences — I shall therefore 
expose before your honours the nature, consequences 
and value of such a concession, which in a short time 
may be as fatal and irreparable unto the interest of the 
crown and the prosperity of those countries, as the late 
surrender of Nova Scotia by the treaty of Breda has 
proved As, first, I cannot see any further security con- 
cerning the Indians ; but on the contrary, those Indians 
of that river, being our greatest enemies, will rather be 
encouraged than otherwise, seeing their country deliver- 
ed up unto the French, which those barbarous nations 
will rather interpret to be for want of power to keep, 
than any voluntary resignation ; so that we shall thereby 
become the object of their scorn and contempt, and 
which will rather encourage than restrain them in their 

136 Hutchinson Papers, 

insolences and enterprizes upon us : whereas, if the 
French will truly endeavour to maintain and promote 
the publick peace and tranquillity, nothing is more easy 
than to restrain them under the limits they were formerly 
bounded in, which is the River of St. George, about five 
leagues to the eastward of Pemaquid, and was always 
the ancient boundary in my late uncle Sir Thomas Tem- 
ple's patent, further than which they have no manner of 
pretence or claim : but the consequence to us, on the 
contrary, will be of utmost moment ; as, first, we shall 
hereby be deprived of four or five of our best fishing 
harbours ; secondly, the river being of much larger ex- 
tent than Piscataqua, will be a perpetual supply of masts, 
timber, deal boards, when the others will fail, many parts 
of it being already exhausted by the continual exporta- 
tion that has been made ; thirdly, the goodness of the 
land, and its convenient situation, renders it advantage- 
ous to be re-established, by which and a prudent man- 
agement of things with the natives, I do not hold it im- 
possible nor improbable to reduce them to their ancient 
amity with us ; for it will manifestly be their interest so 
to do, by reason of their being amongst us, and that we 
can, and always do supply them cheaper, and give better 
prices for their peltry, than the French ; for it w 7 as not 
through hatred to us, but by the mismanagement of 
some amongst us, of which the French took advantage, 
insinuating things wholly suppositious, whereby they at 
last have influenced them to break out into war as at 
present ; — I say, notwithstanding which they are to be 
regained, being a people that love their own interest, 
and do know and study it as much as others, &c. As to 
our fishery on the coast of Cape Sables, I find they will 
obstruct us if they can, and that nothing but a vigorous 
asserting of our uninterrupted right and custom will 
preserve us herein ; But having in my former memorial 
said what is necessary on this and other subjects, I shall I 
not now further detain your lordships, hoping that about 
three weeks hence I may be in London, where if in any 

Hutchinson Papers. 137 

thing I may yet be serviceable, I shall at all times be 
ready to obey your lordships' commands, &c. 
I am, with all profound respect, 

Your lordships' most humble 
and most obedient servant, 


Read November 17, 1698. 

Letter from Rev. Cotton Mather to Hon. John Saffin. 

19 d. 5 m. 1710. 

Honoured Sir, 

You will give me leave to proceed in offering my 
poor advice upon your distressing affairs. 

I am informed, that M. Saffin is inviting you to take 
your quarters where she has hers, and enjoy the best 
assistances her person and estate can give, to render 
your old age honourable and comfortable. 

My humble opinion is, that you will do well to accept 
this offer, and spend the rest of your very little time in 
as easy and as pious a manner as 'tis possible. 

'Tis my opinion, that your acceptance of this offer 
should be attended with two agreeable circumstances. 

The one is, (as I have heretofore taken the leave to 
tell you,) that all former and crooked things must be buried. 
There must be no repeating of matters, which never 
can be exactly rectified. This would be an endless and 
useless embroilment. It can have no tendency to any 
good in the world. There is a Scotch proverb that you 
must keep to — By-gones he by-gones, and fair play for 
the time to come. That must be an ample satisfaction 
for all that is past. This must not be called a palliative 
cure, when the case admits no other. It is one of the 
most observable infirmities of old age, an inculcation of 
matters that have been often enough already spoken to. 
And allow me to be so pleasant as to say, you, sir, are 

138 Hutchinson Papers. 

not ambitious, I hope, to discover many of those infirm- 
ities. As to your controversies with Mr. George, let there 
be no disputation between you and madam about them. 
Say to the gentleman himself, what you have to say. If 
madam study to make your condition easy, certainly you 
will make your conversation with her forever so. It is, 
you know, sir, better than I, the true spirit of a gentle- 
man, to make his conversation easy to every one, espe- 
cially to such a companion as madam will be to you. 

The second is, that you do the part of a gentleman, 
in securing madam's interest from any future destruction 
or detriment, while she is devoting it, as far as may be, 
unto your present service. You have known what it is 
to treat a wife as becomes a gentleman ; and you have 
told me, that in your former conduct towards this gen- 
tlewoman, you have not forgotten the laws of complai- 
sance and of tenderness. Good sir, hold to them. And 
take it not amiss, if there should be made to you such 
overtures, as judicious and indifferent friends may ap- 
prove on this occasion. 

My opinion for your coming into such a cohabitation 
has a thousand reasons. 

If you decline it, it will be improved vastly to your 
disreputation. It will cause them to forsake you, that 
are now desirous to assist you. If you were furnished 
with stores enough to carry on the wars, yet your age 
forbids it. You must cheerfully entertain the reputable 
character of a miles emeritus. There is nothing more 
decent than for old men to be aforehand in such a sense 
of themselves. You have the honour of an age, wherein 
the men who have done worthily in their day must have 
done with the world, and especially with the wars of it. 
I have an hundred times assumed the liberty to tell you, 
Repose is the milk of old age. I hope your piety will 
render it no ungrateful message to you, that you are 
just arrived unto this period of your days. Doubtless 
you are so wise, as to live in a daily expectation of your 
dissolution. It will be the worst thing imaginable for 
you now, sir, to be vexing yourself with business of a 

Hutchinson Papers. 139 

wrangling importance. No, dear sir ; you must now be 
wholly swallowed up in praying, in reading, in assiduous 
meditations on the heavenly world. The affairs of your 
husbandry at Bristol, methinks, you should rejoice in an 
opportunity to cast them off. No more EARTH now, 
sir, but all for HEAVEN! I add, you are just going 
before the eternal God ; you must lay aside all bitterness. 
And the more bravely you forgive all real or supposed 
injuries, the more sweetly you will be prepared for the 
consolations of your own forgiveness. Good sir, throw 
all embitterments into a grave, before you go into your 

You will ask, what assurances you shall have, that 
madam will do you good, and not evil, all the rest of the 
days of your life. My answer is, we must all be gua- 
rantees ; that is to say, if there be any point, in which 
you think yourself unkindly dealt withal, we must, any 
of us, on the least intimation, readily offer to madam our 
sentiments ; and we persuade ourselves, that she will 
readily hearken to us. 

Dear sir, compose your mind ; and by a generous 
casting yourself into the hands of the most suitable nurse 
in the world, put yourself into the most proper condition 
to wait for the time of your falling asleep in the arms of 
your great Saviour. 

Pardon this freedom of, 

Your faithful friend and servant, 


[Saffin died at Bristol ten days after the date of this letter. See 
Hutch. II. 172. Ed. 3. Ed.1 

I received the General Court's instructions, by which 
I have the happiness to understand, that the Court was 
pleased to approve my conduct in their affairs the last 
year. The first thing I did after coming to town, was 

140 Hutchinson Papers. 

delivering your address to the king, which his majesty 
received with his wonted grace and favour. But the 
ministers of state have been so deeply engaged in nego- 
tiating a general peace, besides the hurry of parliament- 
ary and other affairs at home, that I'm afraid they han't 
had time to consider it. 

The Virginia merchants, who petitioned the parliament 
last year for the free importation of iron from the plan- 
tations, have done the same this session. They have 
indeed made a show of putting other naval stores, as 
timber, hemp and flax, in their petition ; but the princi- 
pal thing they aim at is iron, notwithstanding they know 
the parliament will not encourage the making that ore 
among us without discouraging at the same time our iron 
manufactures. The moment I had intelligence of what 
these gentlemen were contriving, I went to them and 
used all the arguments I could, and even the most pas- 
sionate entreaties, to dissuade them from their purpose. 
I represented to them the inevitable destruction they 
would bring upon all the colonies, if the commons should 
pass the same bill they did before, and I should not have 
the same success I then had to get it flung out by the 
lords. But all arguments were in vain. There was no 
piercing the ears that were deafened by interest. These 
merchants think they shall get money by importing pig 
iron from Virginia, which consideration is so prevalent, 
that they care not what distresses they bring upon the 
poor inhabitants of the country. They would be well 
enough content to see us reduced to the servile condition 
of the Jews, when under the tyranny of the Philistines, 
who were not permitted to have a smith throughout all 
their land. I determined, therefore, to act against these 
people upon a separate bottom, and endeavour to get 
the article of iron left out, and to have the bill, with 
timber, hemp and flax in it, go on. I considered, if I 
could accomplish this, it would be better than to get the 
whole bill thrown out, as I did the last session, because 
the taking off the duty on timber will certainly be of 
great service to the province. You'll see, by comparing 

Hutchinson Papers. 141 

the enclosed votes, that 1 have hitherto succeeded. In 
the votes of the 25th of February, the first thing in the 
petition is pig iron, and in the votes of the 22d of March, 
when leave is given to bring in the bill, iron is omitted ; 
and in the votes of the 28th of the same month, when 
the bill is brought in and received, 'tis actually left out. 
The traders to Virginia, finding themselves frustrated in 
what they mainly, and I may say only, intended, are at 
work with their friends in the house of commons, to 
move that it may be an instruction to the committee, to 
receive a clause for the free importation of iron. I shall 
oppose this clause all I can, for fear of the consequences 
of it ; and if 1 an't able to carry my point, then I shall 
endeavour to prevent the laying any prohibition upon our 
working iron ; and if I fail in this too, then I must do as 
I did the last session — desire to be heard at the lords' bar 
before the bill pass. I shall be sorry to come to this last 
remedy, but if I must, I hope it will be effectual, seeing 
the reasons against the bill are the same they were, and 
my diligence shan't be less than it was, but, if possible, 

You have covered in this packet, a copy of my memo- 
rial addressed to the lords commissioners for trade and 
plantations, praying that our right to gather salt at Ter- 
tudas may be owned and confirmed, and a liberty to cut 
wood at Campeache and Hundoras be granted us at 
the ensuing treaty of peace. If Gibraltar should be 
given up to Spain — as the nation generally fears it will — 
our ministers have declared in parliament, that the king 
will insist upon an equivalent ; and in that case these 
particulars will make a part of it. This I am assured 
of. But then, on the other hand, if we can and do keep 
Gibraltar, which Spain earnestly desires, and claims our 
promise to surrender it, 1 believe the ministers will think 
themselves well ofT without demanding any new advan- 
tages from that crown, other than what shall be neces- 
sary for the South Sea Company to maintain their assi- 
ento, and commerce to the Spanish West Indies. 

Sir Alexander Cairnes and his associates are at present 

142 Hutchinson Papers. 

quiet as to their petition for lands in Nova Scotia. Now 
they see they can't carry their project to monopolize 
the fishing ground, and lay an indult upon all New Eng- 
land fish that is cured there, they seem inclined to drop 
the patent ; which evidently demonstrates, that their 
true intention was not to settle towns, and plantations, 
and improve the fishery themselves, as they speciously 
pretended ; but to sit lazily at the receipt of custom, to 
gather in their toll, and grow rich at our expense. 

Mr. Coram has been also inactive this winter, but is 
now renewing his efforts, and gives out that he is sure 
of carrying his point. He has lately been at Haarburgh, 
a city on the Elbe belonging to his majesty, which having 
a good harbour, and being well situated over against 
Hamburgh, he proposed to the governour and magis- 
trates there the getting an act of parliament for importing 
fir timber and deal boards from thence into Great Britain ; 
by which means their city was to become the magazine of 
all the timber in Germany, and the mart for its sale and 
exportation. The governour and magistrates, pleased 
with this scheme, gave him commendatory letters to the 
German ministers at our court, under whose favour and 
influence a bill was brought into the house of commons 
for this purpose, but could not be carried for Haarburgh 
exclusively, though great interest was made for it, but 
extends indifferently to all the ports in Germany. How- 
ever, Mr. Coram takes great merit to himself from what 
he has done, and fancies he has thereby secured a suffi- 
cient interest at court to carry his favourite design on our 
eastern lands, upon which he has fixed his views, and 
indefatigably laboured for so many years. 1 sent to him 
several times to let him know, that if he and his friends 
will be content to make Penobscot their western bounds, 
I'll give him no opposition, but assist him in getting his 
patent, and do him all the service in my power. But he 
is a man of that obstinate, persevering temper, as never 
to desist from his first enterprise, whatever obstacles lie 
in his way. So that I expect a good deal more trouble 
and expense, though 1 don't doubt of continuing to de- 
feat him. 

Hutchinson Papers. 143 

If the bill passes for taking off the duty on plantation 
timber, as I hope it will, we shall receive no detriment 
in that trade by the liberty given to import it from Ger- 
many. For it must pay the same duty coming from 
Germany as from Sweden; and though the Elbe be 
nearer the Thames than the Baltick, yet the British 
carriage, by which it must be brought hither, is so much 
dearer than that of the Swedes, that it's very probable 
there never will be one ship-load of wood imported from 
any of the German dominions. 

I hear nothing lately of Mr. Usher's proceedings. 
Sir Matthew Dudley, who is his patron, was seized with 
an apoplexy some months ago, and has been confined to 
his house ever since ; for which reason, I suppose, Mr. 
Usher has not been able to get forward in his business. 

Mr. Andross, the nephew and executor of Sir Edmund, 
is at present in Guernsey, but soon expected here, when, 
'tis believed, he'll make some new motion at the council 
board for the pretended arrears due to him as executor 
to his uncle. If he should stir any further, 1 shall ob- 
serve the instructions of the Court upon that head. 

I present the Assembly with a book writ by Sir 
Hovendon Walker, and published this winter under the 
title of a Journal of the Expedition to Canada, in which 
there are so many things relating to New England, that 
I think it more proper to send over the treatise itself 
than to extract any passages from it. He imputes the 
fatal miscarriage of that enterprise to the ignorance of 
our pilots, and an unaccountable backwardness in the 
people to despatch the fleet. But though he calls this 
pretended backwardness of the people unaccountable, 
yet he afterwards pretends to account for it, and that in 
so extraordinary a manner, as leaves it hard to say 
whether it be more villanous or ridiculous. He relates 
a story of one Monsieur Ronde Denie, who was sent 
from the governour of Placentia with a private commis- 
sion to the government of New England to dissuade 
them from joining with the arms of England against 
Canada ; and then, though he is not so rash as to affirm 

144 Hutchinson Papers. 


that we were influenced by this negotiation, against the 
duty of our allegiance and the apparent interest of the 
province, yet he very plainly suggests it, and leaves the 
reader at full liberty to believe it. When this book first 
came out I intended to answer it, and for that end ap- 
plied at the secretary of state's office for the pilot's affi- 
davits, which I lodged there in the queens's reign, but 
there have been so many changes since in that office, 
that nobody knew any thing of them. I went afterwards 
to Col. Nicholson, imagining he might have duplicates, 
but he either had none or would not produce them. I 
think these affidavits are so essential to the country's |j 
justification in the accusation about the pilots, that it 
can't be undertaken without them. In the mean while it j 
is some satisfaction, that Sir Hovendon's book is a very 
weak performance, and so little taken notice of, that it 
can't do us much, if any harm. And, indeed, I don't 5 
know whether it is not better to let it remain in its pre- 
sent obscurity, than to give it credit and make it consi- 
derable by answering it. However, if the General 
Court think it deserves an answer, and will enjoin me 
the task, I shall do my best, and think my pen can't be 
so well employed as in defence of the honour of my 
country. But in this case I must desire to have the affi- 
davits above-mentioned, and any other materials that 
may be thought proper. 

I have a good while had it in my thoughts to mention 
something in my publick letter about your custom of 
printing the Journals of the Assembly's votes and pro- 
ceedings every session. It is with great satisfaction that 
I read there frequent accounts of your laying out new 
townships, settling ministers and schools, enlarging your 
college, regulating trade and manufactures, and doing 
many other things, which show the growing state of the 
province, and the good order of the government. But 1 
that which gives me pleasure, gives others pain. People 
here are very apt to read these things with jealous eyes ; 
and when they find in the same journals, that all business 
is transacted in the Council and Assembly, and confe-' 

Hutchinson Papers. 145 

rences managed between the two houses with the same 
decency and solemnity as in the parliament of Great 
Britain, they fancy us to be a little kind of sovereign 
state, and conclude for certain that we shall be so in 
time to come, and that the crown will not be able to 
reduce us at so great a distance from the throne. Now, 
though these fancies are the most absurd and unreason- 
able in the world, yet when men have once taken them 
into their heads, it's hard to get them out again. I have 
therefore ever found, since I have had the honour of 
serving the province, that our greatest prudence is to 
lie quiet and as unobserved as we can ; and that the less 
show we make to the world, the safer we are from the 
stroke of publick as well as private envy. I would then, 
sir, with all submission, propose it to the wisdom of the 
General Court to consider what advantage the printing 
of their journals brings to the province, and whether 
that advantage, whatever it be, will balance the incon- 
venience I have mentioned. I know the clerk of the 
house will be a loser, if this practice should be discon- 
tinued ; but I suppose that is not a consideration of any 
great moment, being easy to be made up some other 
way ; besides, I have had so long experience of that 
gentleman's disinterested love and zeal for his country, 
that I am sure he would cheerfully resign any perquisite 
or profit accruing to himself, if it were judged to be in- 
consistent with the publick prosperity. If what I have 
said on this subject be thought too officious, as not being 
within my instructions, I hope it will be excused for my 
good meaning. 

I had almost forgot to mention my poor crazy coun- 
trywoman, Mrs. Watts, though I have memorandums 
enough not to forget her, for she still gives me trouble 
and charge about her mad lawsuit. She preferred, this 
winter, a petition in the court of chancery against the 
commissioners of sequestration, who discharged the New 
England ships last year, for taking a bribe, and against 
me for giving it. She has now got a new set of com- 
missioners, who are a pack of hungry fellows, ready for 


146 Hutchinson Papers. 

any dirty work, if they can get a penny by it. And 
these fellows are to sequester the ships that are now 
ready to sail, if I don't prevent them by throwing a little 
dust in their eyes. There's no other way of proceeding 
than this, unless I would appear in court, and take on me 
the defence oL the suit, which I shall never do without 
your positive commands, because it would subject the 
province to a trial where the cause ought not to be 
heard, and would be a dangerous precedent in cases that 
may hereafter happen. If Col. Burgess had well con- 
sidered what he did, when he put in an appearance for 
the province, 'tis probable he would not have done it. 
But it's too late to look back to that mistake. 'Tis to 
be hoped that Dr. Morton, who has hitherto supported 
this mad woman with money, will at length see his own 
madness in doing it, and then the suit must have an end. 

I can't finish my letter without mentioning the death 
of the Honourable Sir William Ashhurst, by which the 
province sustains a great and irreparable loss. He was 
a hearty lover of our civil and religious liberties, and 
stood faithful to all our interests in the various changes 
of the court and ministry here. I can say, from my own 
ten years' experience, that I never asked his assistance 
for New England, but he was both ready and pleased 
to give it ; and though he had an extreme aversion to a 
court, and the tedious ceremonies of attendance there, 
yet he always went with alacrity when there was a 
prospect of doing us service. Such generous and disin- 
terested friends are at all times scarce and valuable, but 
were never more wanted by New England than now. 
I hope therefore the Assembly will pardon me, that I 
pay this little tribute of respect to the memory of their 
departed friend, Sir William Ashhurst. 

I have nothing further to add, but that you'll please 
to present my humble duty and service to the General 

I am, sir, 

Your very humble servant, 


London, 8th April, 1720. 

Hutchinson Papers, 147 

Letter from Secretary Willard to Mr. Whitefteld 1744. 

Dear Sir, 

I suppose you have heard, before this time, of 
the many papers that have been published since your 
leaving the town, to set you in an ill light, and to per- 
suade the people into a bad opinion of you. I can't 
understand that these things have made any impression 
to your disadvantage on the minds of those ministers in 
this town, who have before shewn themselves well af- 
fected to you. And as it is the opinion of all your 
friends that 1 have lately discoursed with, that it seems 
necessary for the honour of religion, and your future 
usefulness in this [and ?] the neighbouring provinces, that 
you should publish something in answer to these re- 
proaches ; and as this is a matter of great importance ; I 
am desired by some of your dear friends, and prompted, 
I trust, by an earnest desire to promote the kingdom of 
Christ among us, as well as by a cordial affection to you, 
to entreat you to consult with the ministers of this town 
above-mentioned, in what manner to act in this momen- 
tous business, so that, by the blessing of God [on ?] your 
endeavours, honest and well-minded people, that are 
misled, (as I doubt not but that there are many such,) may 
be undeceived, and those that act upon bad principles 
may be confuted and silenced, or at least disabled from 
making any further ill impressions upon those who are 
friends to the cause of religion. — You will excuse me 
that I so often urge your advising with your brethren in 
the ministry upon these weighty matters, wherein the 
glory of God and the good of souls is so deeply concern- 
ed. I think I am not without the authority of scripture 
to justify me. It is almost the whole scope of the 12th 
chapter of the first epistle to the Corinthians, to shew the 
mutual dependence Christians have on one another by 
reason of the various dispensation of the gifts and graces 
of the Holy Spirit, for the edification of the body of 
Christ ; so that it is evident there is no monopoly in this 

148 Hutchinson Papers. 

case. If I am mistaken in this matter, your candour, I 
doubt not, will excuse me. 1 am sensible, that if 1 have 
any true spiritual light, it is very dim and obscure. It 
is my daily prayer (wherein I doubt not but I have your 
concurrence with me) that the true light, which lighteth 
every man that comes into the world, would guide me 
in the ways of truth and righteousness. 

Letter from Gov. Pownall to Gov. Hutchinson. 

London, September 9, 1767. 
Dear Sir, 

The dissipation both of the business and what 
are called the pleasures of London, take up more time 
than real business, so that I find myself more in arrears 
in the correspondent with my friends, than I used to do 
when I had much more business. 

I am now in town in my way to Lincolnshire. Yes- 
terday I met your kind present of the second part of 
your History of the Massachusetts, which I am much 

obliged to . I have by me some old papers relative 

to the history of the Massachusetts, which you gave me, 
I believe, collected and stitched together by Mr. Cotton. 
If they shall be of any use to you, 1 will send them by 
the first opportunity that I know they are so. I have 
as yet received no letter from you, so fear that must 
have miscarried. — Without your knowledge or applica- 
tion, I took the liberty, upon the establishment of the 
Board of Revenue in America, to apply to have you 
named as one, and, as I wrote you in my last, I thought 
it was decided that you was to be named, and to be first. 
I did not, indeed, totally rely on it, as you will have seen 
by my last ; and the Duke of Grafton's letter decides 
that point. However, I may venture to explain to you 
the first part of his letter. It is meant that you shall 
have a handsome salary fixed as chief justice, as soon as 

Hutchinson Papers. 149 

the American revenue shall create a fund. I think on 
that occasion it would be right to solicit a patent from 
the crown for that place. If all on this last ground suc- 
ceeds as meant, I think 'twill be much better for you, 
and what you will like better. 

If the people of the province would be advised, one 
might serve them and the colonies in general. The 
point of being exempt from being taxed by parliament, 
they never will carry, but will every time lose some- 
thing by the struggle. The point of having representa- 
tives, if pursued prudently, and in the right line, I am 
sure they might and ought to carry. And whatever 
they may think of keeping the power of taxing them- 
selves by their own legislatures in general matters, ex- 
clusive of parliament, they will be disappointed, and by 
aiming at the shadow lose the substance. Now, from 
principle of opinion, thinking it best both for Great Bri- 
tain and the colonies, on the plan of a general union of 
the parts, I shall alway support the doctrine of the co- 
lonies sending representatives to parliament. I have 
done and shall do it as long as I am in parliament, both 
in parliament and out of the house. From principle of 
affection and gratitude, I shall ever support and defend 
the people of the Massachusetts Bay, as I did last ses- 
sions, when some people were for extending the censure 
laid on New York to the Massachusetts. 

People come in and interrupt me ; so I must conclude 
with assuring you how much 
I am, 

Dear sir, 
Your real friend and servant, 


Will you be so good to show Capt. Hallowell my let- 
ter and the duke's answer, that he may see that I re- 
commended him ? though the duke in his answer has 
not mentioned his name. 

150 Hutchinson Papers, 

Mashpee, December 31, 1770. 
Honoured Sir, 

I present your honour my humble duty and 
gratitude for your many favours to me and my people, 
and beg leave to transmit you the following account of 
the longevity of some of my Indians ; although none of 
them have arrived to the age of the Nipmug, who visited 
Boston in the year 1723, whom your honour has men- 
tioned in your History. I need not observe to you, that 
the only way to determine the ages of Indians, is by 
comparing them with the ages of their cotemporaries 
among the English, or some remarkable era in history. 

I will first mention the family of Popmunnuck, who 
appeared in the year 1648 as chief sachem to this tribe, 
and left two sons, whose names are preserved, viz. 
Simon and Caleb, and another, whose name I am not 
able at present to ascertain. 

Simon succeeded Mr. Richard Bourn as pastor to 
this church, and lived to a great age. He had three 
children living when I came here, viz. Isaac, Experience, 
and Josiah. 

Isaac was a deacon of this church, and for many 
years an Indian magistrate of great reputation. He 
died April, 1758, aged about fourscore. 

Experience, his sister, lived till November, 1761, 
when she was fourscore and five years, and had been 
blind many years. I have seen her spin linen yarn when 
she could scarcely discern the day from night. 

Josiah, her brother, died this present year, aged about 
eighty-five years. He had been a schoolmaster here till 
he was too old for the service. It was remarkable that, 
after he was confined to his house, he could eat very heart- 
ily of fish, such as eels and bace, without any apparent 
injury to his health. He seemed to sleep away a year 
or two [of] his life without much sensibility. 

Caleb, brother to Simon, was for many years an In- 
dian magistrate of great reputation, and died with ex- 
treme age. He had one son that I knew, and who died 

Hutchinson Papers, 151 

in my neighbourhood in January, 1767, not so properly 
of age as by reason of the severity of a storm, against 
which he was not suitably defended. He lived till he 
was ninety years old, being born, as he told me — and I 
have reason to think he did not misinform me — a year 
or two after the conclusion of Philip's war. This In- 
dian for many years had been called Old Zephaniah. 

There are two of the Popmunnuck family now living, 
who are both not much less than fourscore years. How- 
ever, they have not all lived to this great age. My good 
deacon, a steady, industrious, sober man, who constantly 
attended the publick worship, and was one of my great 
friends, and the only man of my people that I could fully 
rely upon, died October last, in the fifty-first year of his 
age. This deacon descended from a Popmunnuck, who 
was brother to Simon and Caleb. 

I have a few more instances of longevity, that I will 
only mention, viz. Mercy Richards, who died in 1759, 
about ninety. Her sister, Elizabeth Zachary, who died 
1761, was about seventy-eight. Her brother, Josias 
Peter, who was very forward for my settlement here, 
died 1762, when he was about seventy-six. And they 
left a sister, who is now living, and upward of fourscore. 

The widow Peage died in 1763, and the widow Ab- 
salom in 1765, being by estimation about ninety at their 

I have found no such instances of longevity among the 
western Indians. At Onohoquaga none of their men 9 
after I knew them, arrived to sixty. Among Johnson's 
Mohawks, Abraham and Hendrick were the oldest of 
their tribe, when they died ; and neither of them were 
seventy at their deaths. I saw a sister of theirs in 1765, 
who appeared to be several years above seventy. At 
Stockbridge, Capt. Kunkapot was for many years the 
oldest man in his tribe. I have not heard how old he 
was at his death, but am persuaded that he did not 
arrive to eighty. 

As I have given your honour an account of several 
instances of longevity, I beg leave to conclude with a 


Population of Boston. 

singular instance of matrimony in advanced life, which I 
attended among my people the week before last, when 
I married Timothy Right, who is not less than fourscore 
and five years, to a woman under fifty. Timothy has 
not been remarkable for his temperance. 
I can only add, that 

I am, 

With very great respect, 

Honoured sir, 

Your honour's most obliged humble servant, 


His Honour the Lieut. Governour, ) 
[Hutchinson.] J 

An Account of the Town of Boston, taken De- 
cember 14, 1742. 








No. 1. 























































































1 10 persons in the Alms House. 
36 in the Work House. 
1200 widows, and 1000 of them poor. 

Churches and Ministers in N. H. 153 

Churches and Ministers in New Hampshire. 

Continued from Vol. X. Second Series, p. 56. 


J_HE Congregational church in Hopkinton was or- 
ganized 23 November, 1757. Rev. James Scales, who 
graduated at Harvard College in 1733, was the first 
minister, and was ordained the same day the church 
was formed. The church records say, in reference to 
this event, that " there was yet no house for the publick 
worship of God in the place, because the place being 
the outmost settlement, and much exposed in time of 
war : therefore the ordination was solemnized in Put- 
ney's Fort, so called, and the numerous spectators at- 
tended the solemnity abroad in the open air, the weather 
being very warm, calm and pleasant for the season." 
Rev. Mr. Scales was dismissed 4 July, 1770, and was 
succeeded by Rev. Elijah Fletcher, who was ordained 
27 January, 1773. He was son of Timothy Fletcher of 
Westford, Mass., and graduated at Harvard College in 
1769. He died 8 April, 1786, in the 39th year of his 
age, and of five ministers settled in that town, is the 
only one who has died there. Rev. Jacob Cram, who 
graduated at Dartmouth College in 1782, succeeded 
Mr. Fletcher, 25 February, 1789, and was dismissed 
6 January, 1792. Mr. Cram was succeeded by Rev. 
Ethan Smith, who graduated at Dartmouth College in 
1790. He was installed 12 March, 1800, having been 
previously settled in the ministry at Haverhill, N. H., 
and was dismissed 16 December, 1817. He is author 
of a Dissertation on the Prophecies, a View of the He- 
brews, and several other religious publications. Rev. 
! Roger C. Hatch succeeded Mr. Smith, and was ordained 
21 October, 1818. He was graduated at Yale College 
in 1815. 

154 Churches and Ministers in N. H. 


The Congregational church in Concord is the oldest 
in the county of Merrimack. It was organized 18 No- 
vember, 1730. The first minister was Rev. Timothy 
Walker, from Woburn, Massachusetts, who graduated 
at Harvard College in 1725. He was ordained 18 
November, 1730. The sermon at his ordination was 
delivered by Rev. John Barnard of Andover, from Prov. 
ix. 1, 2, and was printed. Rev. Mr. Walker died 2 Sep- 
tember, 1782. He was chosen agent for the town to 
defend their lawsuits with the proprietors of Bow, and 
for this purpose made three voyages to England, where 
he became acquainted with Sir William Murray, after- 
wards Lord Chief Justice Mansfield, who was his coun- 
sellor and advocate in the first cause.* Rev. Israel 
Evans, born in Pennsylvania in 1747, who graduated at 
Princeton College in 1772, succeeded Mr. Walker, and 
was installed 1 July, 1789. The sermon was preached 
by Rev. Joseph Eckley of Boston, from 2 Cor. iv. 7. Rev. 
Mr. Evans resigned the pastoral charge 1 July, 1797, 
and died at Concord, 9 March, 1807, aged 60. He was 
a chaplain in the revolutionary army ; was at Quebeck 
with Montgomery ; at the capture of Burgoyne ; ac- 
companied General Sullivan on his Indian expedition, 
and was present at the surrender of Cornwallis, at 
Yorktown. Mr. Evans was succeeded, 7 March, 1798, 
by Rev. Asa Mac Farland, D. D. from Worcester, Mass. 
who graduated at Dartmouth College in 1793. The 
sermon at his ordination was delivered by Rev. Professor 
John Smith of Dartmouth College. The degree of 
D. D. was conferred on him by Yale College in 1809. 
He is author of a View of Heresies, an Election Sermon, 
and various other occasional discourses. 

* J. B. Moore's Annals of Concord, p. 43. 

Instances of Longevity in N. H. 155 


The Congregational church in Hillsborough was 
gathered 12 October, 1769. Rev. Jonathan Barns, who 
graduated at Harvard College in 1770, was ordained 
25 November, 1772, dismissed 20 October, 1803, and 
died 3 August, 1805. He published one sermon after 
his dismission. Rev. Stephen Chapin, (now D. D.) who 
graduated at Harvard College in 1804, was ordain- 
ed 19 June, 1805; sermon by Rev. Nathaniel Em- 
mons, D. D. of Franklin, from Acts xx. 21 . Mr. Chapin 
was dismissed 12 May, 1808, and was afterwards settled 
at Mont Vernon, where he espoused the sentiments of 
the Baptists, which occasioned his dismission. Rev. 
Stephen Chapin was succeeded by Rev. Seth Chapin, 
a graduate of Brown University in 1808. He was or- 
dained 1 January, 1812 — sermon by Rev. Ephraim P. 
Bradford of New Boston, from Luke ii. 34 — and dis- 
missed 26 June, 1816. Rev. Seth Chapin was suc- 
ceeded by Rev. John Lawton, from Vermont, who was 
installed 7 November, 1821, who continues in the 

Concord, N. H. 27 March, 1824. 

Instances of Longevity in New Hampshire. 

Continued from "Vol. X. Second Series, p. 181. 

■p. 1 Names. Residence. Age. 

1796, Benjamin Richards, Atkinson, 96 

1798, Elizabeth Wells, Portsmouth, 93 

1798, Ann Langdon, Portsmouth, 93 

1800, Solomon Emerson, Madbury, 91 

1801, Mary Caswell, Isle of Shoals, 90 


Instances of Longevity in N. H. 

Time of 





John Banfill, 




Stephen Burnham, 




Hannah Huse, 




Deborah Allen, 




Isaac Smith,* 

Mont Vernon, 



Widow Prescott, 




Thomas Livingston, 




Samuel Allen, 




Abigail Jones, 



Esther Scott, 




Deacon Abraham True 

, Deerfield, 



Dorothy Hall,t 




Jonathan Lampson, 

Mont Vernon, 



Widow Wilkinson, 




Widow Griffin, 




Josiah Batchelder, 




Samuel Cate, 




Widow of Dea. True, 




Abigail Greely, 

Nottingham-west, 95 


Jane Woodward, 




Robert Starkweather, 




Hannah Bradford,! 




Mary Cavis, 




Phebe Lord, 




Daniel Emerson, || 

New Chester, 



Benjamin Hopkins, 




Widow Webster, 




Thomas Wheat, 




Patience Sibley,^ 




Nathaniel Dan forth, 




Ephraim Gile, 



* Inserted among those of uncertain date in the former list, 
t Erroneously inserted Deborah Hale in the former list. 
% Inserted in the former list among those of uncertain date. 
|| Erroneously inserted in the last volume as Mrs. Emerson 
§ Erroneously inserted as Widow Cilley, Vol. X. p. 179. 

Instances of Longevity in N. H. 





Sarah White, 



Lucy Place, 



Lieut. Temple Kendall, 



Elizabeth Ham, 



Hannah Bayley,* 



Daniel Jones, 



John Durgin, 



John Brown, 



David Flanders, 



Mary Ham,t 



Lieut. Joseph Kimball, 



Susanna Thompson, 



Martha Batchelder, 



Daniel Albert, 



Benjamin Davis, 



Abigail Watts, 



Experience Barrus, 



Dorcas Clark, 



Samuel Badger, 



Kezia Morse, 



John Abbot, 



Lucy Ames, 



Samuel Estabrook, 



John Eaton, 



Elizabeth Tyler, 



Moses Foster, 



Sarah Wheat, 



Deacon John Locke, 



Hon. John Duncan, 



Hannah Parker, 



Lydia Bean, 




91 11821 
i 11822 

* Inserted as Mrs. Cephas, among the living, when the former list was 
prepared. She had been the widow of a Mr. Cephas, but at the time of her 
death, (Nov. 1S22, aged 104 years and 3 months,) was widow of Josiah 
Bayley, formerly of Lunenburg, Mass. 

t She was sister of Mrs. Pitman, mentioned in the former list, who died 
in 1817, aged 100. 




Instances of Longevity in N. H. 

l ime of Names. 


Age * 


Sarah Messer, 

New London, 



Joanna Pool, 




Samuel Welch,* 


us i 


Abigail Roberts, 




Sarah Blanchard, 




Capt. Nath'l Woodbury, 




Widow Elizabeth Prince, Amherst, 



Mary Butler, 




Lieut. Richard Herbert, 




Robert Davis, 




John Kennedy, 




Beulah Philbrick, 




Thomas Woolson, 




Sarah Moulton, 




Perry Hixon, 




Nathaniel Bacon, 




Daniel Hawkins, Esq. 




Sarah Dame, 




David Hale, 

New Boston, 



Simeon Wiggin, Esq. 




Madam Mary Barnard,! Amherst, 


Concord , N. H. 4 November, 1823. 

* The venerable Samuel Welch, the oldest native of New Hampshire 
who ever died in the state, departed this life at Bow, April 5, 1823, aged 112 
years, 6 months and 23 days. On the 10th of March preceding his death, 
the writer of this note, in company with Mr. Jacob B. Moore, visited him at 
his residence. To the question, " How old are you, Mr. Welch ? " he prompt- 
ly replied, " An hundred and twelve years and a half." Though feeble and 
very infirm, he retained a good share of his intellectual powers. His death 
corresponded with his life — it was calm and tranquil. 

t Mentioned among the living in the preceding list. She was mother 
of Rev. Jeremiah Barnard of that town, and was born in Massachusetts in 
April, 1722. 

Letters of Roger Williams, 159 

Seven Letters of Roger Williams. 

[The first of these letters of Roger Williams was probably written, 
either in August, 1636, before Endecot's expedition, or in October 
after it ; the second 20 August, 1637 ; the third 28 October, 1637 ; 
the fourth, probably, in June, 1638; the fifth about August, 1638 ; 
the sixth about September, 1638 — all addressed to Governour 
Winthrop ; the seventh, to his eldest son, has a full date. Ed.] 


New Providence, this 2d of the week. 

_L HE latter end of the last week I gave notice to our 
neighbour princes of your intentions and preparations 
against the common enemy, the Pequts. At my first 
coming to them, Caunounicus (morosus seque ac barba- 
rus senex) was very sour, and accused the English and 
myself for sending the plague amongst them, and threat- 
ening to kill him especially. 

Such tidings (it seems) were lately brought to his ears 
by some of his flatterers and our ill-willers. I discerned 
cause of bestirring myself, and staid the longer, and at 
last (through the mercy of the Most High) I not only 
sweetened his spirit, but possest him, that the plague 
and other sicknesses were alone in the hand of the one 
God, who made him and us, who being displeased with 
the English for lying, stealing, idleness and uncleanness, 
(the natives' epidemical sins,) smote many thousands of 
us ourselves with general and late mortalities. 

Miantunnomu kept his barbarous court lately at my 
bouse, and with him I have far better dealing. He takes 
some pleasure to visit me, and sent me word of his com- 
ing over again some eight days hence. 

They pass not a week without some skirmishes, though 
hitherto little loss on either side. They were glad of 
four preparations, and in much conference with them- 
selves and others, (fishing de industria for instructions 

160 Letters of Roger Williams. 

from them,) I gathered these observations, which you 
may please (as cause may be) to consider and take 
notice of: 

1 . They conceive that to do execution to purpose on 
the Pequts, will require not two or three days and away, 
but a riding by it and following of the work to and 
again the space of three weeks or a month, that there 
be a falling off and a retreat, as if you were departed, 
and a falling on again within three or four days, when 
they are returned again to their houses securely from 
their flight. 

2. That if any pinnaces come in ken, they presently 
prepare for flight, women and old men and children, to 
a swamp some three or four miles on the back of them, 
a marvellous great and secure swamp, which they called 
Ohomowauke, which signifies owl's nest, and by another 
name, Cuppacommock, which signifies a refuge or hiding 
place, as 1 conceive. 

3. That therefore Nayantaquit (which is Miantunno- 
mue's place of rendezvous) be thought on for the riding 
and retiring to of vessel or vessels, which place is faith- 
ful to the Nanhiggonticks and at present enmity with the 

4. They also conceive it easy for the English, that the 
provisions and munition first arrive at Aquednetick, call- 
ed by us Rode-Island, at the Nanhiggontick's mouth, 
and then a messenger may be despatched hither, and so 
to the bay, for the soldiers to march up by land to the 
vessels, who otherwise might spend long time about the 
cape and fill more vessels than needs. 

5. That the assault would be in the night, when they 
are commonly more secure and at home, by which ad- 
vantage the English, being armed, may enter the houses 
and do what execution they please. 

6. That before the assault be given, an ambush be 
laid behind them, between them and the swamp, to pre- 
vent their flight, &c. 

7. That to that purpose such guides as shall be best 
liked of be taken along to direct, especially two Pequts, i 

Letters of Roger Williams, 161 

viz. Wequash and Wuttackquiackommin, valiant men, 
especially the latter, who have lived these three or four 
years with the Nanhiggonticks, and know every pass 
and passage amongst them, who desire armour to enter 
their houses. 

8. That it would be pleasing to all natives, that women 
and children be spared, &c. 

9. That if there be any more land travel to Qunnih- 
ticutt, some course would also be taken with the Wun- 
howatuckoogs, who are confederates with and a refuge 
to the Pequts. 

Sir, if any thing be sent to the princes, I find that Ca- 
nounicus would gladly accept of a box of eight or ten 
pounds of sugar, and indeed he told me he would thank 
Mr. Governour for a box full. 

Sir, you may please to take notice of a rude view, how 
the Pequts lie : 

River Qjunnihticut. 

O a fort of the Nayantaquit men, confederate with the Pequts- 


River. i . , 

Wein O shauks, where Ohom I | | ! owauke, the swamp, 

Sasacous the chief Sachim is. three or four miles from 

Mis O tick, where is Mamoho, another chief sachim. 

Nayanta O quit, where is Wepiteammock and our friends. 


Thus, with my best salutes to your worthy selves and 
oving friends with you, and daily cries to the Father of 
nercies for a merciful issue to all these enterprises, I rest 
Your worship's unfeignedly respective 


For his much honoured Mr. Governour, 
and Mr. Winthrop, Deputy Govern- 
our of the Massachusetts, these. 

162 Letters of Roger Williams. 


New Providence, 20th of the 6th, 

Much honoured Sir, 

Yours by Yotaash (Miantunnomue's brother) 
received, I accompanied him to the Nanhiggonticks, and 
having got Canounicus and Miantunnomu with their 
council together, I acquainted them faithfully with the 
contents of your letter, both grievances and threatenings ; 
and to demonstrate, I produced the copy of the league, 
(which Mr. Vane sent me,) and with breaking of a straw 
in two or three places, I showed them what they had 

In sum their answer was, that they thought they 
should prove themselves honest and faithful, when 
Mr. Governour understood their answers ; and that 
(although they would not contend with their friends) yet 
they could relate many particulars, wherein the English 
had broken (since these wars) their promises, &c. 

First then, concerning the Pequt squaws, Canounicus 
answered, that he never saw any, but heard of some that 
came into these parts, and he bad carry them back to 
Mr. Governour, but since he never heard of them till I 
came, and now he would have the country searched for 
them. Miantunnomu answered, that he never heard of 
but six, and four he saw which were brought to him, at 
which he was angry, and asked why they did not carry 
them to me, that I might convey them home again. 
Then he bid the natives that brought them to carry 
them to me, who departing brought him word, that the 
squaws were lame, and they could not travel. Where- 
upon he sent me word, that I should send for them. 
This I must acknowledge, that this message I received 
from him, and sent him word, that we were but few 
here, and could not fetch them, nor convey them, and i 
therefore desired him to send men with them, and to 
seek out the rest. Then, saith he, we were busy ten or i 
twelve days together, as indeed they were in a strange 

Letters of Roger Williams. 163 

kind of solemnity, wherein the sachims eat nothing but 
at night, and all the natives round about the country 
were feasted. In which time, saith he, I wished some 
to look to them, which notwithstanding, in this time, 
they scaped ; and now he would employ men instantly 
to search all places for them, and within two or three 
days to convey them home. Besides he profest that he 
desired them not, and was sorry the governour should 
think he did. I objected, that he sent to beg one. He 
answered, that Sassamun, being sent by the governour 
with letters to Pequt, fell lame, and, lying at his house, 
told him of a squaw he saw, which was a sachim's daugh- 
ter, who while he lived was his, Miantunnomue's, great 
friend. He therefore desired, in kindness to his dead 
friend, to beg her, or redeem her. 

Concerning his departure from the English, and 
leaving them without guides, he answered, first, that 
they had been faithful, many hundreds of them, (though 
they were solicited to the contrary,) that they stuck to 
the English in life or death, without which they were 
persuaded that Okace and the Mohiganeucks had proved 
false, (as he fears they will yet,) as also that they never 
had found a Pequt, and therefore, saith he, sure there 
was some cause. I desired to know it. He replied in 
these words, Chenock eiuse wetompatimucks ? that is, 
Did ever friends deal so with friends ? I urging wherein, 
he told me this tale : that his brother, Yotaash, had 
seized upon Puttaquppuunck, Quame and twenty Pequts 
and three-score squaws, they killed three and bound the 
rest, watching them all night, and sending for the Eng- 
lish, delivered them to them in the morning. Miantun- 
nomu (who according to promise came by land with two 
hundred men, killing ten Pequts in their march) was 
desirous to see the great sachim, whom his brother had 
taken, being now in the English houses, but (saith he) I 
was thrust at with a pike many times, that I durst not 
(come near the door. I objected, he was not known. 
He and others affirmed, he was, and asked, if they should 
have dealt so with Mr. Governour. 1 still denied, that 

164 Letters of Roger Williams. 

he was known, &x. Upon this, he saith, all my compa- 
ny were disheartened, and they all and Cutshamoquene 
desired to be gone ; and yet, saith he, two of my men 
(Wagonckwhut and Maunamoh) were their guides to 
Sesquankit from the river's mouth. 

Sir, I dare not stir coals, but I saw them to [be ?] much 
disregarded by many, which their ignorance imputed to 
all, and thence came the misprision, and blessed be the 
Lord, things were not worse. 

I objected, they received Pequts and wampom without 
Mr. Governour's consent. Caunounicus replied, that 
although he and Miantunnomu had paid many hundred 
fathom of wampom to their soldiers, as Mr. Governour 
did, yet he had not received one yard of beads nor a 
Pequt. Nor, saith Miantunnomu, did I but one small 
present from four women of Long Island, which were 
no Pequts, but of that isle, being afraid, desired to put 
themselves under my protection. 

By the next I shall add something more of conse- 
quence, and which must cause our loving friends at 
Qunnihticut to be very watchful, as also, if you please, 
their grievances, which I have laboured already to an- 
swer, to preserve the English name ; but now end ab- 
ruptly with best salutes and earnest prayers for your 
peace with the God of peace and all men. So praying, 
I rest 

Your worship's unfeigned 


All loving respects to Mrs. Winthrop and yours, as 
also to Mr. Deputy, Mr. Bellingham, theirs, and Mr. 
Wilson, &c. 

For his much honoured Mr. Governour, ) 
these. S 

Letters of Roger Williams. 165 


The last of the week, I think the 28th of the 8th. 

This bearer, Miantunnomu, resolving to go on 
his visit, I am bold to request a word of advice from 
you concerning a proposition made by Caunounicus and 
himself to me some half year since. Caunounicus gave 
an island in this bay to Mr. Oldam, by name Chiba- 
chuwese, upon condition, as it should seem, that he 
would dwell there near unto them. The Lord (in 
whose hands all hearts are) turning their affections to- 
wards myself, they desired me to remove thither and 
dwell nearer to them. I have answered once and again, 
that for present I mind not to remove ; but if I have it 
from them, I would give them satisfaction for it, and 
build a little house and put in some swine, as under- 
standing the place to have store of fish and good feeding 
for swine. Of late I have heard, that Mr. Gibbons, upon 
occasion, motioned your desire and his own of putting 
some swine on some of these islands, which hath made 
me since more desire to obtain it, because I might there- 
by not only benefit myself, but also pleasure yourself 
whom I more desire to pleasure and honour. I spake 
of it now to this sachim, and he tells me, that because 
of the store of fish, Caunounicus desires that I would 
accept half, (it being spectacle-wise, and between a mile 
or two in circuit, as I guess,) and he would reserve the 
other ; but I think, if I go over, I shall obtain the whole. 
Your loving counsel, how far it may be inoffensive, be- 
cause it was once (upon a condition not kept) Mr. 
Oldam's. So, with respective salutes to your kind self 
and Mrs. Winthrop, I rest 

Your worship's unfeigned, in all I may, 


For his much honoured Mr. Govemour, ) 
these. I 

166 Letters of Roger Williams. 



I perceive by these your last thoughts, that you 
have received many accusations and hard conceits of 
this poor native Miantunnomu, wherein I see the vain 
and empty puff of all terrene promotions, his barbarous 
birth or greatness being much honoured, confirmed and 
augmented (in his own conceit) by the solemnity of his 
league with the English and his more than ordinary 
entertainment, &c. now all dashed in a moment in the 
frowns of such in whose friendship and love lay his chief 

Sir, of the particulars, some concern him only, some 
Caunounicus and the rest of the sachims, some all the 
natives, some myself. 

For the sachims, I shall go over speedily, and ac- 
quaint them with particulars. At present, let me still 
find this favour in your eyes, as to obtain an hearing, for 
that your love hath never denied me, which way soever 
your judgment hath been (I hope and I know you will 
one day see it) and been carried. 

Sir, let this barbarian be proud and angry and covet- 
ous and filthy, hating and hateful, (as we ourselves have 
been till kindness from heaven pitied us, &c.) yet let me 
humbly beg relief, that for myself, I am not yet turned 
Indian, to believe all barbarians tell me, nor so basely 
presumptuous as to trouble the eyes and hands of such 
(and so honoured and dear) with shadows and fables. 
I commonly guess shrewdly at what a native utters, and, 
to my remembrance, never wrote particular, but either 
I know the bottom of it, or else I am bold to give a hint 
of my suspense. 

Sir, therefore in some things at present (begging your 
wonted gentleness toward my folly) give me leave to 
show you how I clear myself from such a lightness. 

I wrote lately (for that you please to begin with) that 
some Pequts, (and some of them actual murderers of 

Letters of Roger Williams. 167 

the English, and that also after the fort cut off) were 
now in your hands. Not only love, but conscience, 
forced me to send, and speedily, on purpose, by a na- 
tive, mine own servant. I saw not, spake not with 
Miantunnomu, nor any from him. I write before the 
All-seeing Eye. But thus it was. A Nanhiggontick 
man (Awetipimo) coming from the bay with cloth, turn- 
ed in (as they use to do) to me for lodging. I ques- 
tioned of Indian passages, &c. He tells me Okace was 
come with near upon forty natives. I asked what pres- 
ent he brought. He told me, that Cutshamoquene had 
four fathom and odd of him, and forty was for Mr. 
Governour. I asked him, how many Pequts. He told 
(ne six. I asked him, if they were known. He said 
Okace denied that there were any Pequts, and said they 
vere Monahiggens all. I asked, if himself knew any 
}f them. He answered, he did, and so did other In- 
dians of Nanhiggontick. I asked, if the murderer of 
vhom 1 wrote, Pametesick, were there. He answered, 
le was, and (I further inquiring) he was confident it 
vas he, for he knew him as well as me, &c. 

All this news (by this providence) I knew before 
jver it came to Nanhiggontick. Upon this I sent, in- 
leed fearing guilt to mine own soul, both against the 
l<ord and my countrymen. But see a stranger hand of 
he Most and Only Wise. Two days after, Okace 
msseth by within a mile of me (though he should have 
>een kindly welcome.) One of his company (Wequau- 
augs) having hurt his foot, and disabled from travel, 
urns in to me ; whom lodging, 1 question, and find him 
y father a Nanhiggontick, by mother a Monahiggon, 
nd so freely entertained by both. I further inquiring, 
I |.e told me he went from Monahiggon to the bay with 
)kace. He told me how he had presented forty 
ithom (to my remembrance) to Mr. Governour, (four 
nd upwards to Cutshamoquene,) who would not receive 
lem, but asked twice for Pequts. At last, at New- 
own, M. Governour received them, and was willing 

168 Letters of Roger Williams, 

that the Pequts should live, such as were at Monahig- 
gon, subject to the English sachims at Qunnihticut, to 
whom they should carry tribute, and such Pequts as 
were at Nanhiggontick to Mr. Governour, and all the 
runaways at Monahigganick to be sent back. I asked 
him, how many Pequts were at Nanhiggontick. He 
said, but two, who were Miantunnomue's captives, and 
that at Nayantaquit with Wequash Cook were about three 
score. I asked, why he said the Indians at Nanhiggon- 
tick were to be the governour's subjects. He said, be- 
cause Nayantaquit was sometimes so called, although 
there hath been oflateno coming of Nanhiggontick men 
thither. I asked him, if he heard all this. He said, that 
himself and the body of the company staid about Cut- 
shamoquene's. I asked, how many Pequts were amongst 
them. He said six* I desired him to name them, which 
he did thus : Pametesick, Weeaugonhick, (another oi 
those murderers) Makunnete, Kishkontuckqua, Sausaw- 
pona, Qussaumpowan, which names I presently wrote 
down, and (pace vestra dixerim) I am as confident oi 
the truth, as that I breathe. Again, (not to be too bold 
in all the particulars at this time,) what a gross and 
monstrous untruth is that concerning myself, which 
your love and wisdom to myself a little espy, and I hope 
see malice and falsehood (far from the fear of God) 
whispering together? I have long held it will-worship 
to doff and don to the Most High in worship ; and 
wish also that, in civil worship, others were as far from 
such a vanity, though I hold it not utterly unlawful ir 
some places. Yet surely, amongst the barbarians, (the 
highest in the world,) I would rather lose my head thar 
so practise, because I judge it my duty to set them bet- 
ter copies, and should sin against mine own persuasions 
and resolutions. 

Sir, concerning the islands Prudence and (Patmos, i, 
some had not hindered) Aquedenick, be pleased to un 
derstand your great mistake : neither of them were sole 
properly, for a thousand fathom would not have bough; 

Letters of Roger Williams. 169 

either, by strangers. The truth is, not a penny was 
demanded for either, and what was paid was only 
gratuity, though I chose, for better assurance and form, 
to call it sale. 

And, alas ! (though I cannot conceive you can aim at 
the sachims) they have ever conceived, that myself and 
Mr. Coddington (whom they knew so many years a 
sachim at Boston) were far from being rejected by 
yourselves, as you please to write, for if the Lord had 
not hid it from their eyes, I am sure you had not been 
thus troubled by myself at present. Yet the earth is 
the Lord's and the fulness thereof. His infinite wisdom 
and pity be pleased to help you all, and all that desire 
to fear his name and tremble at his word in this country, 
to remember that we all are rejected of our native soil, 
and more to mind the many strong bands, with which we 
are all tied, than any particular distastes each against 
other, and to remember that excellent precept, Prov. 25, 
If thine enemy hunger, feed him, &c. ; for thou shalt heap 
coals of fire upon his head, and Jehovah shall reward 
thee ; unto whose mercy and tender compassions I daily 
commend you, desirous to be more and ever 

Your worship's unfeigned and faithful 


Sir, mine own and wife's respective salutes to your 
dear companion and all yours ; as also to Mr. Deputy, 
Mr. Bellingham, and other loving friends. 

I am bold to enclose this paper, although the passages 
may not be new, yet they may refresh your memories 
in these English-Scotch distractions, &c. 

For his much honoured and beloved \ 
Mr. Governour of Massachusetts, > 
these. ) 


170 Letters of Roger Williams. 

Much honoured Sir, 

The bearer lodging with me, I am bold to write 
an hasty advertisement concerning late passages. For 
himself, it seems he was fearful to go farther than forty 
miles about us, especially considering that no natives are 
willing to accompany him to Pequat or Monahiganick, 
being told by two Pequots (the all of Miantunnomue's 
captives which are not run from him) what he might 
expect, &c. 

Sir, Capt. Mason and Thomas Stanton landing at 
Nanhiggontick, and at Miantunnomue's denouncing war 
within six days against Juanemo, for they say that 
Miantunnomu hath been fair in all the passages with! 
them, Juanemo sent two messengers to myself, request 
ing counsel. I advised him to go over with beads to 
satisfy, &c. 

He sent four Indians. By them Mr. Haynes writes 
me, that they confest fifteen fathom there received at 
Long Island. Thereabout they confest to me, (four 
being taken of Pequts by force, and restored again,) 
as also that the islanders say fifty-one fathom, which 
sum he demanded, as also that the Nayantaquit messen- 
gers laid down twenty-six fathom and a half, which wasi 
received in part, with declaration that Juanemo should 
within ten days bring the rest himself, or else they were 
resolved for war, &x. I have therefore sent once and 
again to Janemo, to persuade himself to venture, &c. 
Caunounicus sent a principal man last night to me, in 
haste and secrecy, relating that Wequash had sent word 
that, if Juanemo went over, he should be killed, but I 
assure them the contrary, and persuade Caunounicus to 
importune and hasten Juanemo within his time, ten days, 
withal hoping and writing back persuasions of better 
things to Mr. Haynes, proffering myself (in case that 
Juanemo through fear or folly fail) to take a journey 


Letters of Roger Williams. 1 7 1 

and negotiate their business, and save blood, whether 
the natives' or my countrymen's. 

Sir, there hath been great hubbub in all these parts, 
as a general persuasion that the time was come of a 
general slaughter of natives, by reason of a murther 
committed upon a native within twelve miles of us, four 
days since, by four desperate English. I presume par- 
ticulars have scarce as yet been presented to your 
hand. The last 5th day, toward evening, a native, pass- 
ing through us, brought me word, that at Pawatuckqut, 
a river four miles from us toward the bay, four English- 
men were almost famished. I sent instantly provisions 
and strong water, with invitation, &c. The messengers 
brought word, that they were one Arthur Peach of 
Plymouth, an Irishman, John Barnes, his man, and two 
Dthers come from Pascataquack, travelling to Qunnihti- 
:ut ; that they had been lost five days, and fell into our 
sath but six miles. Whereas they were importuned to 
:ome home, &c. they pleaded soreness in travelling, and 
therefore their desire to rest there. 

The next morning they came to me by break of day, 
relating that the old man at Pawatuckqut had put them 
forth the last night, because that some Indians said, that 
they had hurt an Englishman, and therefore that they 
lay between us and Pawatuckqut. 

I was busy in writing letters and getting them a 
^uide to Qunnihticut, and inquired no more, they having 
;old me, that they came from Plymouth on the last of 
;he week in the evening, and lay still in the woods the 
Lord's day, and then lost their way to Weymouth, from 
vhence they lost their way again towards us, and came 
n again six miles off Pawatuckqut. 

After they were gone, an old native comes to me, and 
ells me ; that the natives round about us were fled, re- 
aring that those four had slain a native, who had carried 
ihree beaver skins and beads for Caunounicus' son, and 
;ame home with five fathom and three coats ; that three 
latives which came after him found him groaning in the 
)ath ; that he told them that four Englishmen had slain 

172 Letters of Roger Williams. 

him. They came to Pawatuckqut, and inquired after 
the English, which when Arthur and his company heard, 
they got on hose and shoes and departed in the night. 

I sent after them to Nanhiggantick, and went myself 
with two or three more to the wounded in the woods. 
The natives at first were shy of us, conceiving a general 
slaughter, but (through the Lord's mercy) I assured 
them that Mr. Governour knew nothing, &c. and that I 
had sent to apprehend the men. So we found that he 
had been run through the leg and the belly with one 
thrust. We drest him and got him to town next day, 
where Mr. James and Mr. Greene endeavoured, all they 
could, his life J but his wound in the belly, and blood 
lost, and fever following, cut his life's thread. 

Before he died, he told me that the four English had 
slain him, and that (being faint and not able to speak) 
he had related the truth to the natives who first came to 
him, viz. that they, viz. the English, saw him in the bay 
and his beads ; that sitting in the side of a swamp a little 
way out of the path, (I went to see the place, fit for an 
evil purpose,) Arthur called him to drink tobacco, who 
coming and taking the pipe of Arthur, Arthur run him 
through the leg into the belly, when, springing back, he, 
Arthur, made the second thrust, but mist him ; that 
another of them struck at him, but mist him, and his 
weapon run into the ground ; that getting from them a 
little way into the swamp, they pursued him, till he fell 
down, when they mist him, and getting up again, when 
he heard them close by him, he run to and again in the 
swamp, till he fell down again, when they lost him quite ; 
afterwards, towards night, he came and lay in the path, 
that some passenger might help him as aforesaid. 

Whereas they said, they wandered Plymouth way, 
Arthur knew the path, having gone it twice ; and beside, 
Mr. Throckmorton met them about Naponset River in 
the path, who, riding roundly upon a sudden by them, 
was glad he had past them, suspecting them. They 
denied that they met Mr. Throckmorton. 

The messenger that I sent to Nanhiggontick, pursuing j 

Letters of Roger Williams. 173 

after them, returned the next day, declaring that they 
showed Miantunnomu letters to Aquedenick, (which 
were mine to Qunnihtiqut,) and so to Aquedenick they 
past, whither I sent information of them, and so they 
were taken. Their sudden examination they sent me, a 
copy of which I am bold to send your worship enclosed. 

The islanders (Mr. Coddington being absent) resolv- 
ed to send them to us, some thought, by us to Plymouth, 
from whence they came. Sir, I shall humbly crave your 
judgment, whether they ought not to be tried where 
they are taken. If they be sent any way, whether not 
to Plymouth. In case Plymouth refuse, and the island- 
ers send them to us, what answers we may give, if 
others unjustly shift them unto us. I know that every 
man, quatenus man, and son of Adam, is his brother's 
keeper or avenger ; but I desire to do bonum bene, &c. 

Thus, beseeching the God of heaven, most holy and 
only wise, to make the interpretation of his own holy 
meaning in all occurrences, to bring us all by these 
bloody passages to an higher price of the blood of the 
Son of God, yea of God, by which the chosen are re- 
deemed, with all due respects to your dear self and dear 
companion, I cease. 

Your worship's most unworthy 


This native, Will, my servant, shall attend your wor- 
ship for answer. 
My due respect to Mr. Deputy, Mr. Bellingham, &c. 


Much honoured Sir, 

Through the mercy of the Most High, I am 

newly returned from a double journey to Qunnihticut 

and Plymouth. I shall presume on your wonted love and 

gentleness to present you with a short relation of what 


174 Letters of Roger Williams. 

issue it pleased the Lord to produce out of them, espe- 
cially since your worship's name was some way engaged 
in both. 

I went up to Qunnihticut with Miantunnomu, who had 
a guard of upwards of 150 men, and many sachims, and 
his wife and children, with him. By the way (lodging 
from his house three nights in the woods) we met divers 
Nanhiggontick men complaining of robbery and violence, 
which they had sustained from the Pequts and Mona- 
higgins in their travel from Qunnihticut ; as also some 
of the Wunnashowatuckoogs (subject to Canounicus) 
came to us and advertised, that two days before, about 
600 and 60 Pequts, Monahiggins and their confederates, 
had robbed them, and spoiled about twenty-three fields 
of corn, and rifled four Nanhiggontick men amongst 
them ; as also that they lay in way and wait to stop Mi- 
antunnomue's passage to Qunnihticut, and divers of 
them threatened to boil him in the kettle. 

This tidings being many ways confirmed, my compa- 
ny, Mr. Scott (a Suffolk man) and Mr. Cope, advised 
our stop and return back ; unto which I also advised 
the whole company, to prevent bloodshed, resolving to 
get up to Qunnihticut by water, hoping there to stop 
such courses. But Miantunnomu and his council re- 
solved (being then about fifty miles, half way, on our 
journey) that not a man should turn back, resolving 
rather all to die, keeping strict watch by night, and in 
dangerous places a guard by day about the sachims, 
Miantunnomu and his wife, who kept the path, myself 
and company always first, and on either side of the path 
forty or fifty men to prevent sudden surprisals. This 
was their Indian march. 

But it pleased the Father of mercies, that (as we 
since heard) we came not by till two days after the 
time given out by Miantunnomu, (by reason of staying 
for me until the Lord's day was over,) as also the Lord 
sent a rumour of great numbers of the English, in com- 
pany with the Nanhiggonticks, so that we came safe to 

Letters of Roger Williams. 175 

Being arrived, Okace had sent messengers that he 
was lame, and could not come. Mr. Haynes said, it was 
a lame excuse, and sent earnestly for him, who at last 
came, and being charged by Mr. Haynes with the late 
outrages, one of his company said, they were but an 
100 men. He said, he was with them, but did not see 
all was done, and that they did but roast corn, &c. So 
there being affirmations and negations concerning the 
numbers of men and the spoil, not having eye-witnesses 
of our own, that fell, as also many other mutual com- 
plaints of rifling each other, which were heard at large 
to give vent and breathing to both parts. 

At last we drew them to shake hands, Mianfunnomu 
and Okace ; and Miantunnomu invited (twice earnestly) 
Okace to sup and dine with him, he and all his company 
(his men having killed some venison ;) but he would not 
yield, although the magistrates persuaded him also to it. 

In a private conference, Miantunnomu, from Caunoun- 
icus and himself, gave in the names of all the Pequts sa- 
chims and murderers of the English. The names of 
the sachims were acknowledged by Okace, as also the 
places, which only I shall be bold to set down : 

Nausipouck, Puttaquappuonckquame his son, now on 
Long Island. 

Nanasquiouwut, Puttaquappuonckquame his brother, 
at Monahiganick. 

Puppompogs, Sasacous his brother, at Monahiganick. 

Mausaumpous, at Nayantaquit. 

Kithansh, at Monahiganick. 

Attayakitch, at Pequat or Monahiganick. 

These, with the murderers, the magistrates desired to 
cut off, the rest to divide, and to abolish their names. 
An inquisition was made ; and it was affirmed from 
Caunounicus, that he had not one. Miantunnomu gave 
in the names of ten or eleven, which were the remain- 
ders of near seventy, which at the first subjected them- 
selves, of which I advertised your worship, but all again 
departed, or never came to him ; so that two or three 

1 76 Letters of Roger Williams. 

of these he had with him ; the rest were at Monahiga- 
nick and Pequt. 

Okace was desired to give in the names of his. He 
answered, that he knew not their names. He said there 
was forty on Long Island ; and that Juanemo and three 
Nayantaquit sachims had Pequts, and that he himself 
had but twenty. Thomas Stanton told him and the 
magistrates, that he dealt very falsely ; and it was 
affirmed by others, that he fetched thirty or forty from 
Long Island at one time. Then he acknowledged, that 
he had thirty, but the names he could not give. It 
pleased the magistrates to request me to send to Nayan- 
taquit, that the names of their Pequts might be sent to 
Qunticut ; as also to give Okace ten days to bring in 
the number and names of his Pequts and their runaways, 
Mr. Haynes threatening also (in case of failing) to fetch 

Sir, at Plymouth, it pleased the Lord to force the 
prisoners to confess, that they all com plotted and in- 
tended murder ; and they were, three of them, (the fourth 
having escaped, by a pinnace, from Aquedenick,) exe- 
cuted in the presence of the natives who went with me. 
Our friends confessed, that they received much quicken- 
ing from your own hand. O that they might also in a 
case more weighty, wherein they need much, viz. the 
standing to their present government and liberties, to 
which 1 find them weakly resolved. 

They have requested me to inquire out a murder five 
years since committed upon a Plymouth man (as they 
now hear) by two Narriganset Indians, between Ply- 
mouth and Sowwams. 1 hope (if true) the Lord will 
discover it. 

Sir, I understand there hath been some Englishman 
of late come over, who hath told much to Cutshamo- 
quene's Indians (I think Auhaudin) of a great sachim in 
England (using the king's name) to whom all the sa- 
chims in this land are and shall be nothing, and where 
his ships ere long shall land ; and this is much news at 
present amongst natives. I hope to inquire out the man. 

Letters of Roger Williams. Ill 

Mr. Vane hath also written to Mr. Coddington and 
others on the island of late, to remove from Boston as 
speedily as they might, because some evil was ripening, 
&c. The most holy and mighty One blast all mischie- 
vous buds and blossoms, and prepare us for tears in the 
valley of tears, help you and us to trample on the dung- 
hill of this present world, and to set affections and cast 
anchor above these heavens and earth, which are re- 
served for burning. 

Sir, I hear, that two malicious persons, (one I was 
bold to trouble your worship with not long since,) Joshua 
Verin, and another yet with us, William Arnold, have 
most falsely and slanderously (as I hope it shall appear) 
complotted together (even as Gardiner did against your- 
selves) many odious accusations in writing. It may be, 
they may some way come to your loving hand. I pre- 
sume the end is, to render me odious both to the king's 
majesty, as also to yourselves. I shall request humbly 
your wonted love and gentleness (if it come to your 
worship's hand) to help me with the sight of it, and I 
am confident yourself shall be the judge of the notorious 
wickedness and malicious falsehoods therein, and that 
there hath not past aught from me, either concerning 
the maintaining of our liberties in this land, or any dif- 
ference with yourselves, which shall not manifest loyal- 
ty's reverence, modesty and tender affection. 

The Lord Jesus, the Son of righteously,* shine 
brightly and eternally on you and yours, and all that 
seek him that was crucified. In him I desire ever to be 
Your worship's most unfeigned 


All respective salutations to kind Mrs. W r inthrop ? 
Mr. Deputy, Mr. Bellingham, and theirs. 

* righteousness ? 

178 Letters of Roger Williams. 


Caucaumsquttock, 11. 7. 48 (so called.) 
Dear and worthy Sir, 

Best salutations to you both and loving sister 
premised, wishing you eternal peace in the only Prince 
of it, I have longed to hear from you, and to send to 
you, since this storm arose. The report was (as most 
commonly all Indian reports are) absolutely false, of my 
removing my goods, or the least rag, &c. A fortnight 
since I heard of the Mauquawogs coming to Paucom- 
tuckqut, their rendezvous ; that they were provoked by 
Onkas wronging and robbing some Paucomtuck Indians 
the last year, and that he had dared the Mauquawogs, 
threatening, if they came, to set his ground with gobbets 
of their flesh ; that our neighbours had given them play, 
(as they do every year ;) yet withal I heard they were 
divided, some resolved to proceed, others pleaded their 
hunting season. We have here one Waupinhommin, a 
proud, desperate abuser of us, and a firebrand to stir up 
the natives against us, who makes it all his trade to run 
between the Mauquawogs and these, and (being a cap- 
tain also himself) renders the Mauquawogs more terrible 
and powerful than the English. Between him and the 
chief sachims hath been great consultations, and to my 
knowledge he hath persuaded them to desert their 
country and become one rebellious body or rout with the 
Mauquawogs, and so to defy the English, &x. I have 
sent also what I can inform to the commissioners. At 
present (through mercy) we are in peace. Sir, I de- 
sire to be ever 

Yours in Christ Jesus, 


The letter I have sent by Warwick, twenty miles 
nearer than about by Secunck. 

For his much honoured hind Friend \ 
Mr. John Winthrop, at his House > 
in Nameag, these. ) 

Letters of Hugh Peter. 179 

Two Letters of Hugh Peter. 

[The two following letters of the celebrated Hugh Peter, though of 
little importance for the direct information contained, are curious 
enough for publication. They are copied from the Suffolk Regis- 
try of Deeds, Lib. 8. fol. 11. Ed.] 

Dear Sir, 

1 FEAR you are angry because you do not hear from 
me nor I from you. I have by Mr. Gott ordered you 
what I have in New England word.* I ever loved you 
and yours, and am truly sensible of all your cares. No- 
thing under heaven hath more troubled me, than that 
you had not my company into New England with you. 
I have sent you by this bearer a loadstone, which I 
pray keep for me if I come ; if not, it is yours. O that I 
were. My old malady the spleen. ...and never had heart 
or time to attend any cure.... that now I give my life 
gone, and shall outlive my parts, I fear. My heart is 
with my God, and desire after him ; in whom I am 

Yours ever, 

30 of April, '54. HUGH PETER'S. 


To John Winthrop, Junior, Esq. \ 
these.... with a Token in a Paper. $ 

3. 1. '54. 

My dear Friend, 

I had yours, and truly do love you heartily 5 
though I have been sometimes troubled at my business 
having no returns, and you selling my house for £20, 
and lending out my books and things, and sending home 
nothing to me, but only what Spencer sent, and arose of 
a colt and three sheep, &c. though I am no way angry 

* world ? 

1 80 Letters of Hugh Peter, 

with you, for I love you heartily ; but great payments 
have gone forth, you write, and truly I know no debts, 
but such as Mr. Paine made upon me. My mind is, 
that Mr. John Winthrop might be spoke with about 
what 1 have, to whom I assigned it long since upon some 
conditions, though I profess nothing but want of health 
(I think) could detain me from New England, such is 
my love to the place, and lovely it will yet be. I pray 
do but for me as I would do for you. Mr. Downing . 
owed me £1 80. Nobody would seize the house he made | ' f 
over to me, and now he is here wish her to make haste 
after him. Salute your good wife, pay yourself what 
charge I put you to, and love 




ood Friend Mr. 
at Salem, now at Wenham. 

For my good Friend Mr. Gott, Deacon ) 

Upon the request of John Winthrop, Esq. this is to certify 
whomsoever it may concern, that we, whose names are here- 
under subscribed, have ceen two letters, dated as appears to us, 
one directed to Charles Gott, deacon of Salem, and the other 
to John Winthrop, Esq. Junior, about what Mr. Hugh Peter's 
then had in New England, which letters we do undoubtedly 
believe and know them to be the hand-writing of him the said 
Hugh Peter's, as far as may be known by a man's writing not 
seen to write them. The date is, of the one, the 3d day of the 
first month, the other is the 30th of April, 1654. 

samuel simonds. 
Wm. hathorne. 


The gentlemen above-subscribed made oath to what is 
above-written this 24th of October, 1672, before us, 

JOHN PYNCHON, Assistant. 

Entered and recorded, October 25, 1672. 

Letter of William Hooke. 181 

Letter of William Hooke to John Winthrop. 

Honoured Sir, 

I HUMBLY salute you, together with Mrs. Winthrop 
and your sons and daughters, with the remembrance of 
my entire respects to you and yours. I received the 
letter, which you sent aboard to me newly after my de- 
parture from Boston, it being no less a trouble to me 
than to yourself, that I was so hurried away that I could 
not see you once again, and solemnly take my leave of 
you, to whom 1 reckon myself very much engaged for 
your love and care of me and mine. The Lord was 
pleased to afford us a very comfortable and speedy pas- 
sage from land to land in the space of five weeks, our 
sea exercises being no other than ordinary. After our 
landing we were all held with colds and coughs, and I 
am scarce free to this day. — We found the parliament 
sitting when we came, whose greatest work hath been, 
to raise the present government to that which is kingly, 
this of kingly being now voted by the far major part, 
though not the melior, as I understand, yet some godly 
persons joining therein. It is apprehended, that settle- 
ment is not obtainable in the present way. The churches 
throughout the land, that are Congregational, and like- 
wise particular godly persons, are, mostly, averse to this 
change, and sundry churches, from several counties, have 
petitioned to the protector against it. In his first meet- 
ing with the parliament, he desired time of consideration ; 
in his second he expressed himself negatively ; in his 
third he did not speak, as it is said, so perspicuously and 
expressly ; in his fourth the parliament delivered their 
reasons for this change ; and now, the fifth hasting, it is 
expected that he should deliver his reasons for refusal, 
or accept what is tendered. I suppose his spirit inclin- 
eth to refusal, as the case is circumstanced ; but he is put 
upon straits through the importunities of such as urge 


182 Letter of William Hooke. 

the necessity of this change, knowing also that the par- 
liament may, and perhaps will, disown him in the Spanish 
wars, and withdraw their help, and also in many other 
things relinquish or oppose him, and render the present 
arbitrary sword-power odious and tyrannical, and, when 
he shall die, choose a king, whose little finger may be 
very heavy upon the people of God ; whereas now (if he 
accept of the present offer) he shall have the power of 
nominating his successor, etc. But, on the other side, a 
design is feared, the promoters being not men (for the 
most part) of a desirable gang, many of them not very 
good well-willers, perhaps, to the better party ; and the 
hand of the lawyers is chief in these things, to settle 
their forms (it is thought) no less than the state of the 
land. Likewise, former professions and protestations 
against kingly power are alleged and much insisted upon, 
as made sometimes by the army ; though I have heard 
several officers of the army, godly men, and not of mean 
rank, utterly denying any such engagements or protes- 
tations. Some fear, also, lest things should revert to 
their first principles, in the issue, and our gains by all 
these bloody wars lie, at last, in a narrow compass, etc. 
The protector is urged utrinque and (1 am ready to 
think) willing enough to betake himself to a private life, 
if it might be. He is a godly man, much in prayer and 
good discourses, delighting in good men and good minis- 
ters, self-denying, and ready to promote any good work 
for Christ. 

As touching myself, I am not, as yet, settled, the pro- 
tector having engaged me to Him, not long after my 
landing, who hitherto hath well provided for me. His 
desire is, that a church may be gathered in his family, to 
which purpose I have had speech with him several 
times ; but though the thing be most desirable, yet 1 
foresee great difficulties in sundry respects. I think to i 
proceed as far as I may, by any rule of God, and am i 
altogether unwilling that this motion should fall in his 
heart. But my own weakness is discouragement enough, i 
were there nothing else. 

Letter of William Hooke. 183 

Your letters were delivered, Mr. Peter undertaking 
for two of them. For Sir Kenelme Digby is in France, 
and when he will return I hear not. Mr. Peter is not 
yet thoroughly recovered out of his late eclipse, but I 
hear better of his preaching than was formerly spoken 
of it. He hath been loving to me, and hath (I hope) 
received benefit by the things have lately befallen him. 
The steward of the house and I speak often of you. 
His name is Mr. Maydestone, who (as he saith) sucked 
the same milk with you. He is a godly wise man, and 
one to whom I am much bound for his love. The land 
is as full of wickedness as ever it was, excepting that 
there is a remnant professing the pure ways of God 
with more clearness, liberty and boldness, than hereto- 
fore ; and here are many good churches in city and 
country, far and near, and many able ministers. 

There have been two conspiracies discovered since 
my arrival — one of the levellers, many of whom were 
engaged by some great enemy to take away the life of 
the protector, and scarce three or four of them known 
one to another, that if any of them should be discovered, 
they might not discover very many others, but the plot 
still go on in the hands of other men. One Sunder- 
combe was a chief man in this design, a very stout man, 
who, with one Cecill, was apprehended, and he condemn- 
ed to die, who, the night before the time appointed for 
his execution, poisoned himself. He was a very atheist, 
not holding the immortality of the soul. One of the 
life-guard had his hand also in the conspiracy, and had 
received a reward to act in it, who, fearing a discovery, 
to save his life, detected Sundercombe, made known the 
business, and prevented the burning of Whitehall, when 
the match in the basket, full of the most combustible 
and furious materials, was lighted, and placed in the 
midst of the chapel in a seat, etc. — The other conspira- 
cy was discovered the last week. It was carried on by 
tumultuous, outrageous, discontented men, pretending to 
fifth monarchy, but discovering in their declaration (which 

184 Letter of William Hooke. 

is in print) a bloody spirit, though under a specious 
shew. Some of them were lately apprehended as they 
were praying, ready to set forward in an hostile manner, 
to gather together in a body, having accordingly fur- 
nished themselves. In this design, one Vennour, not 
long since dwelling in your Boston, a wine cooper, is a 
principal actor, who being brought before the protector, 
spoke and behaved himself with as great impudence, 
insolence, pride and railing, as (I think) you ever heard 
of. It is thought also, that Major General Harrison, 
Col. Rich, Carey, Danvers, Col. Okey, Sir Henry Vane, 
are engaged in this plot. I suppose some of them are 
secured, or sent for so to be. We hang here upon 
ticklish points, and scarce know what to think, only the 
people of God are still looking up to him. Mr. Hopkins 
and Mr. Fenwick are gone to God, within two or three 
days one of the other, in a time wherein we have very 
great need of the presence and prayers of such men. 
Sir, I would not tire you : I have very great need of 
the help of your prayers : I am still also valetudinarious, 
and should rejoice to do God any acceptable service be- 
fore my great change cometh. I have spoken again and 
again to Mr. Peter to remember your sister Lake ; 
what he will do I know not ; I pray remember my re- 
spects to her also, and to Mr. Blinman. The Father of 
our Lord Jesus Christ be with you and all yours, pros- 
pering your endeavours to his glory and the good of 
many. To his grace I heartily commend you, and rest 
Yours very much bound to you, 


April 13, 1657. 

For the much honoured Mr. John Winthrop, 
at his House in Pequot, in New England, 

Letter of John Maidston. 1 85 

Letter of John Maidston to John Winthrop, 
governour of connecticut. 

[The original curious letter from John Maidston, of which a copy 
follows, is the last article in the 19th volume of Trumbull MSS. It 
was in the possession of John Winthrop, Esq. grandson of the 
governour of Connecticut, to whom it was addressed ; and he fur- 
nished a transcript for Birch's great collection of Thurloe's State 
Papers, where it is printed, Vol. I. p. 763 — 8. Probably the era- 
sure of half a line was made when that copy was given. Some 
errours, of which two or three are of importance, will be found in 
the English copy. This letter has been often referred to by stu- 
dents of the character of Cromwell, desirous of learning what one 
of his intimate friends thought of him. As nearly a hundred and 
seventy years have elapsed since his death, some agreement in 
opinion may now be formed, in spite of the calculating toryism of 
Hume, and the eager fanaticism of Mrs. Macauley. The hypocrisy 
of Cromwell was almost unavoidable in the unhappy times, when 
he achieved his greatness, and his perfidy to the republicans was 
first expedient, and afterwards defensive. Ed.] 


Y OUR kind remembrance of me in Mr. Hooke's letter 
covered me with no small shame, that I have neglected 
a person of so signal worth as all reports (I meet with) 
present you in ; especially when it is attended with the 
consideration of the obligations your father's memory 
hath left upon me. Yet may I not be so injurious to 
myself as to acknowledge, that the long omission of 
writing to you proceeded from forgetfulness. The fre- 
quent discourses I have made of yourself and honoured 
father have created testimony sufficient to vindicate me 
from such ingratitude : But the perpetual hurry of dis- 
tressing affairs, wherein for some years I have been 
exercised, deprived me of gaining a fit opportunity of 
conveying letters: And this is, briefly and truly, the 
icause of so long an intermission. 

For me now to present you with a relation of the un- 
heard-of dealings of God towards his people in these 

1 86 Letter of John Maidston. 


nations, is not my design ; partly because (I believe) 
you have heard much of it, but principally because such 
a work would better become a voluminous chronicle than 
a short epistle. For it would weary the wings of an 
eagle to measure out the ways, wherein God hath walked, 
with all the turnings and intricacies that are found 
in them. The quarrel, at first commenced betwixt king 
and parliament, was grounded upon a civil foundation ; 
the king accusing them of invading his prerogative, and 
the houses charging him with the breach of their privi- | f 
leges, and consequently the invassallaging the people I h 
represented by them. When this argument had (for * 
some time) been agitated by as hot and bloody war as | R 
this latter age hath seen, it fell at last to be managed j «■ 
(on the parliament's side) by instruments religiously | 
principled, in whose hand it received so many evident 
testimonies of God's extraordinary presence and conduct, 
that in conclusion a period was put to it, the king made 
a prisoner, and all his expectation of rescue utterly de- 
feated and cut off. While the matter stood in this pos- 
ture, great debates, solicitous consultations and cabals 
are held in order to settlement. For these transactions 
(according to the constant product of all such things) 
had created factions and divisions betwixt persons of 
equal worth in point of parts, and (as themselves thought) 
of balancing merit, to receive the reward of so great and 
hazardous an undertaking as they had gone through. 
These parties instantly divided themselves (or rather 
did appear divided, for they had been so before) under 
the heads of Presbytery and Independency. The for- 
mer had the advantage in number, the ministry general- 
ly adhering to them ; the latter in having been the ac- 
tive instruments, by whose valour and conduct the king 
was brought from a palace to a prison, and thereby 
were possessed of the military power of the nation ; by 
help whereof, and having many friends in the house of 
commons, against the mind of the major part, they first 
secluded them, and then set aside the house of lords ; 
and by a co-operation with the house of commons then 

Letter of John Maidston. 1 87 

sitting, (whom they owned as the supreme power of the 
nation,) the king was brought to trial before an high 
court of justice, (consisting of members of parliament, 
officers of the army and others,) and proceeded against 
to execution.* This act was highly displeasing to many, 
who, with equal zeal and forwardness, had assisted 
in the war ; insomuch that the difference which the 
king's party put between them that fought with him, 
and those that took away his life, they expressed in this 
proverb, that Presbyterians held him by the hair, till 
Independents cut off his head. Yet have the former 
struggled hard, ever since, to do something that might 
render them under a better character as to their cove- 
nant and loyalty to the king. 

The peace of the nation being thus settled, and 
the king's family and offspring departed into foreign 
places, his eldest son, the prince of Wales, travelled 
into the Netherlands, where (after some short time) 
application was made to him by the most serious 
and prudent party of Scotland, (amongst whom I 
know some to be as choice men as most I have been 
acquainted with, for wisdom and true holiness, for so 
it becomes me to judge,) who presented to him the 
consideration of the stupendous judgments of God upon 
him and his father's house, and pressed upon him the 
sense of it, endeavouring to reduce him to Scotland, in 
order to restore him to his dominion, upon hope that 
he might be instrumental to honour God, and re-estab- 
lish publick peace. To this he gave very fair returns, 
and in a short time shipped himself for Scotland, and 
arrived there ; where he was honourably entertained by 
that which is called the kirk party, and is indeed the 
religious party of that nation. By them he was crown- 
ed king of Scotland, and so brought into a capacity of ac- 
! tion. The kirk party had now the command of him 
and the nation. But another party had a greater room 
i in his heart, having been constant to his father, when the 
i other had raised war against him. These divided under 

* This was done in the year '48. 

188 Letter of John Maidston. 

two heads, called Resolutioners and Protesters.* The 
parliament of England by this time grew awakened, fore- 
seeing that this whole action was calculated to the per- 
fect capacity of Scotland's imposing a king upon Eng- 
land, of which they were evinced by more than probable 
arguments ; to obviate which, they resolved to send a 
potent army, under the command of General Cromwell, 
(the Lord Fairfax refusing that service upon the influ- 
ence of Presbyterians, as was said,) that Scotland might 
be rendered the seat of war, and so made less able to 
annoy England. This accordingly was done ; an inva- 
sion made from England. Scotland put into arms to resist 
it, whereby they wearied and wasted the English army, 
and forced it (in a miserable condition) to retreat for 
England, had they not at Dunbar, out of pure necessity, 
enforced an engagement to their own destruction : For 
the defeat then given the Scotch army was as signal as 
any thing in the whole war. The advantage of number, 
and men fit for fight, was very great. But that which is 
most observable, is the quality of the persons : For 
Presbytery being the golden ball that day, I am credibly 
informed, that thousands lost their lives for it (after 
many meetings, debates and appeals to God betwixt our 
English officers and them) of as holy praying people as 
this island or the world affords. The Lord General 
Cromwell was a person of too great activity and sagaci- 
ty, to lose the advantage of such a victory, and therefore 
marched his army to Edinburg, and possessed himself 
of that place, laid siege to the strong castle in it, and 
distressed it, till it submitted, being so situated as not to 
be entered by onslaught, nor undermined, by reason of 
the rock on which it is built. There he spent the 
winter, but was not idle, for in that time many strong 
places became subject to him. By this means the 
young king had opportunity to fall in with his beloved 

* Resolutioners were of the more dissolute sort of people — Protesters a 
precise party, called, formerly, Puritans. At this time they published a 
remonstrance, and therefore were indefinitely called Protesters or Remon- 

Letter of John Maidston. 1 89 

party, called the Resolutioners ; his interest likewise 
wrought here in England, carried on by the Presbyte- 
rian party ; and in this quarrel honest Mr. Love, who 
doubtless was a godly man, though indiscreet, lost his 
head, and many of his brethren were endangered, being 
detained prisoners, till General Cromwell came home 
and procured their release. But before that, his con- 
tinuance in Scotland was a time of great action, wherein 
he so distressed the king, as he enforced him to march, 
with all the force he could make, for England ; but be- 
ing close pursued by the English horse, under the com- 
mand of General Lambert, (a prudent, valiant com- 
mander, and a man of gallant conduct,) and resisted by 
forces raised in England, he was compelled to make a 
halt at Worcester city, till the lord general, with the 
body of the army, advanced thither, and after a short 
time, totally defeated his army, himself escaping very 
hardly, and afterwards (with great difficulty) conveyed 
himself beyond the seas. 

The idea of the stock of honour, which General 
Cromwell came invested with to London, after this 
crowning victory, (superadded to what God had 
before clothed him with, not only by his achievements 
in England, but those in Ireland,*) (which I preter- 
mitted, because being grounded on those barbarous 
massacres, the habitable world sounded with the 
noise of them,) will in my silence present itself to 
your imagination. He had not long continued here, be- 
fore it was strongly impressed upon him by those to 
whom he had no reason to be utterly incredulous, and 
strengthened by his own observation, that the persons 
then ruled the parliament of the commonwealth of 
England, etc., from whom he had derived his au- 
thority, and by virtue whereof he had fought so ma- 
ny holy men in Scotland into their graves, were not 
such as were spirited to carry the good interest an 
end, wherein he and they had jeopardized all that 

* [The London copy absurdly gives Scotland. Ed.] 

190 Letter of John Maidston. 

Was of concern to them in this world. And I wish 
cordially that there had not been too great a 
ground for those allegations. The result of them, 
after many debates betwixt the members then sitting 
and the general, with some who joined with him, was, 
the dissolution of that parliament by military force, 
since called by a softer word, Interruption. Great dis- 
satisfaction sprang from this action, and such as is not yet 
forgotten amongst good men. For let the reasons and 
end be never so good, upon which the general acted this 
part, yet, say they, 'Twas high breach of trust in him to 
overthrow that authority in defence of which God had 
appeared, and made him so significant an instrument. 
Yet factum valet, say others, who were not well satis- 
fied neither ; and now care is used to settle fluctuating 
Britain; in order to which, the lord general, by his 
authority, (which was but military,) summons one hun- 
dred persons out of all parts of the nation, (with com- 
petent indifTerency and equality) to represent the na- 
tion, and invests them with legislative authority. They 
meet and accept it, assume the title of parliament, and 
sit in the house of commons, and enact sundry laws ; 
but in a short time made it appear to all considering 
and unprejudiced men, that they were huic negotio 
impares, non obstante their godliness ; of which the 
more judicious of them being sensible, contrived the 
matter so as to dissolve themselves by an act of their 
own, and revolve* their authority whence they first de- 
rived it, viz. upon the general. It was not long before 
he was advised to assume the government of this nation 
in his single capacity, limited with such restrictions as 
were drawn up in an instrument of government, framed 
to that purpose. This he accepted of, and (being by it 
with due ceremony in Westminster Hall inaugurated, he) 
assumed it accordingly. According to one of the arti- 
cles in it, he summoned a house of commons at West- 
minster the September following, of which house I had 

* [London copy has resolve. Eb.J 

Letter of John Maidston. 191 

the honour to be a member. The house, consisting ol 
many disobliged persons, (some upon the king's account, 
and others upon pretence of a right to sit upon the for- 
mer foundation, as not being legally, though forcibly, 
dissolved, and others judging that the powers given by 
the instrument of government to the protector, were too 
large, professing that, though they were willing to trust 
him, yet they would not trust his successors, with so 
large a jurisdiction,) fell into high animosities, and after 
five months spent in framing another instrument instead 
of the former, (which they said they could not swallow 
without chewing,) they were by the protector dissolved. 

This was ungrateful to English spirits, who deify 
their representatives. But the protector's parts and 
interest enabled him to stem this tide. Yet the weight 
of government incumbing too heavily upon him, before 
many years passed, he summoned another parliament, 
and his experience guided him to concur with them in a 
new instrument to govern by. In it they would have 
changed his title, and made him king, and I think he 
had closed with them in it, not out of lust to that title, 
(I am persuaded,) but out of an apprehension that it 
would have secured (in a better way) the nation's settle- 
ment. But the party to whom the protector ever pro- 
fessed to owe himself (being the generality of his stand- 
ing friends) rose so high in opposition to it, (by reason 
of the scandal that thereby would fall upon his person 
and profession,) as it diverted him, and occasioned him 
to take investiture in his government, though from 
them, yet under his former title of protector. As in 
former cases, this found acceptance with many, but was 
dissatisfactory to a greater number. 

The instrument of government made in this parlia- 
ment, and to which the protector took his oath, was 
called, The humble Petition and Advice. In it provision 
was made for another house of parliament, instead of 
the old lords, that this might be a screen or balance 
betwixt the protector and commons, as the former lords 
had been betwixt the king and them. These to consist of 

192 Letter of John Maidston, 

seventy persons, all at first to be nominated by the protec- 
tor, and after, as any one died, a new one to be nominated 
by him or his successors, and assented to by themselves, 
or without that consent not to sit : Twenty of them was 
a quorum. It was no small task for the protector to 
find idoneous men for this place, because the future se- 
curity of the honest interest seemed (under God) to be w 
laid up in them : For by a moral* generation, (if they 8 
were well chosen at first,) like foundationals in the 
gathering of a church, they would propagate their own 
kind, when the single person could not, and the com- 
mons (who represented the nation) would not, having 
in them, for the most part, the spirit of those they repre- 
sent, which hath little affinity with, or respect to the 
cause of God. And indeed, to speak freely, so barren 
was this island of persons of quality spirited for such 
a service, as they were not to be found ; according to 
that of the apostle, 1 Cor. 1. 26, Ye see your calling, 
not many wise, nor noble, etc. This forced him to make 
it up of men of meaner rank, and consequently of less 
interest, and upon trial too light for a balance, too thin 
for a screen, and upon the point ineffectual to answer 
the design, being made a scorn by the nobility and 
gentry, and generality of the people ; the house ol 
commons continually spurning at their power, and 
spending large debates in controverting their title, till at 
length the protector (finding the distempers which grew 
in his government, and the dangers of the publick peace 
thereby) dissolved the parliament, and so silenced that 
controversy for that time. And that was the last which 
sat during his life, he being compelled to wrestle with 
the difficulties of his place so well as he could, without 
parliamentary assistance ; and in it met with so great a 
burthen, as (I doubt not to say, it drank up his spirits, of 
which his natural constitution yielded a vast stock)f and; 
brought him to his grave ; his interment being the seed- 
time of his glory and England's calamity. 

* [London copy mortal. Ed.] 
[The parenthesis seems to be out of place in the original. Ed] 

Letter of John Maidston. 193 

Before I pass further, pardon me in troubling you with 
the character of his person, which, by reason of my near- 
ness to him, I had opportunity well to observe. His body 
was well compact, and strong ; his stature under six feet, 
(I believe about two inches ;) his head so shaped as you 
might see it a store-house and shop both of a vast 
treasury of natural parts. His temper exceeding fiery, 
as I have known ; but the flame of it kept down for the 
most part, or soon allayed with those moral endowments 
he had. He was naturally compassionate towards ob- 
jects in distress, even to an effeminate measure ; though 
God had made him a heart, wherein was left little room 
for any fear, but what was due to himself, of which there 
was a large proportion ; yet did he exceed in tenderness 
toward sufferers. A larger soul, I think, hath seldom 
dwelt in a house of clay than his was. I do believe, if 
his story were impartially transmitted, and the unpreju- 
diced world well possessed with it, she would add him 
to her nine worthies, and make that number a decem- 
viri. He lived and died in comfortable communion with 
God, as judicious persons near him well observed. He 
was that Mordecai, that sought the welfare of his peo- 
ple, and spake peace to his seed : Yet were his tempta- 
tions such, as it appeared frequently, that he that hath 
grace enough for many men, may have too little for 
himself; the treasure he had being but in an earthen 
vessel, and that equally defiled with original sin as any 
other man's nature is. 

He left successor in the protectorship his eldest 
son, a worthy person indeed, of an obliging nature, 
and religious disposition, giving great respect to the 
oest of persons, both ministers and others, and having 
to his lady a prudent, godly, practical Christian. His 
3ntrance into the government was with general satis- 
faction, having acceptation with all sorts of people, 
and addresses from them importing so much. It was 
an amazing consideration to me, (who, out of the expe- 
rience I had of the spirits of people, did fear Confusion 
would be famous Oliver's successor,) to see my fears so 


194 Letter of John Maidston. 

confuted ; though, alas! the sin of England soon shewed, 
that they were not vain fears. For in a short time, 
some actings in the army appeared tending to divest the 
protector of the power of it. This bred some jealousy 
and unkindness betwixt him and the officers of it, but it 
was allayed, and things looked fair again. 

About this time, writs were sent out to summons a par- 
liament, which accordingly sat down in March following. 
The power of the protector, and that of the other house, 
was instantly controverted in the house of commons, 
which house consisted of a tripartite interest, viz. — the 
protector's, the commonwealth's, (as it was so called 
by some, though groundlessly enough,) and Charles's, 
the king of Scots. Each party striving to carry an end 
their own design, siding one while with one, another 
while with another, obstructed settlement, and acted 
nothing but what tended to leave religion and sobriety 
naked of protection. The vigilant army observe this, 
and dispose themselves to prevent this growing evil ; 
in order to it, keep general councils, publish remon- 
strances, and make addresses. The parliament, fearing 
the co-ordinary (at least) of a military power with the 
civil, forbid the meetings of the army. The army resent 
this so ill, as by a violent impression they prevail with 
the protector to dissolve the parliament. This he did, 
ammo tarn reluctant], that he could not conceal his re- 
pentance of it, but it brake out upon all occasions. The 
army, observing it, reflected on him as a person true to 
the civil interest, and not fixed to them ; and the officers 
keeping general councils, in a few days resolve to 
depose him, and restore the members of the parliament 
dissolved by the first protector in the year '53, to the 
exercise of their government again, in order (as they 
ridiculously styled it) to the settling of a common- 
wealth. The nation resented this act of the army ex- 
ceeding ill ; the godly party being generally much dis- 
satisfied with it, in regard the persons brought together 
were, for the most part, disobliging to any thing of rea- 
son or sobriety, so that they enslaved the people to the 

Letter of John Maidston. 195 

lusts of a few men, as it soon appeared. From these the 
officers of the army and all in civil power derived their 
authority ; and they seemed to have brought all under 
perfect subjection. But their deportment waxed too 
swelling for the army to bear long. For upon an in- 
surrection raised in the west by Sir George Booth, a 
secluded member, in behalf of a free parliament, forces 
were sent against him under General Lambert, by whom 
Sir George was soon reduced and made a prisoner. 
This so elevated the ruling men in parliament, as they 
began to increase the thickness of their fingers. The 
army, fearing they would not rest till they had brought 
them to Rehoboam's scantling, make complaint to them 
by way of remonstrance, out of which egg a bird sprang, 
that niade new division, or rather renewed the old be- 
twixt them, till it came to another Interruption. This 
put us into so great distemper, as one regiment marched 
against another, some for the parliament, others against 
them, and drew up near Westminster Hall, even to push 
of pike ; but God in mercy kept them from engaging, so 
that no blood was spilt. 

The house, thus disturbed, used its interest to 
redintegrate its power. Members meet in private 
cabals about it. They send into Scotland to General 
Monke, who was placed there by the old protector, 
commander in chief of the forces of that nation. To 
him they complain of the breach of trust by the army 
here, and by them of the violence offered to par- 
liament. This Monke resents ill, and declares for 
the parliament against the army. The army in Eng- 
land meet in council. They choose the Lord Fleet- 
wood captain general of all the forces in England, Scot- 
land and Ireland ; send letters to Monke for accommo- 
dation ; appoint a committee of safety for the publick 
peace, made up of many chief officers of the army, and 
others of the best quality they could get ; declare a 
resolution to call a parliament ; appoint a committee to 
draw a platform of government for the three nations. 

While this was acting, the nations grew into a flame, 
greatly hating any government introduced by the sword. 

196 Letter of John Maidston. 

So the officers of the army, and committee of safety, and 
all, began to draw heavily, and in a few weeks, by the 
revolt of the soldiery (which began first at Portsmouth, 
was second by the fleet, and generally fallen in with by 
the private soldiers,) their wheels fell off and left them 
on the ground ; the members of parliament return to 
sit ; all the officers that were looked upon as having a 
hand in their interruption, set aside, though to other 
things indemnified. Thus far was Jotham's parable in 
the case of Abimelech and the men of Shechem realized 
in this matter also. 

General Monke advances now to London, and is 
there honourably entertained. He is invited into Lon- 
don, courted and caressed there, upon hope he would 
introduce the king of Scots, whose interest grew all this 
while, and the generality of the people expressed intent- 
ness upon it, abuse the parliament, and affront (to vio- 
lence) the speaker at his lodgings, and the members 
walking in the streets. 

In this interim, the house dismisses Sir Henry Vane 
from sitting in it, as a person that had not been constant 
to parliament privileges, and Major Saloway, a person 
of great parts and Sir Henry Vane's second in most 
things, with some others who acted in the committee of 
safety. Yet were they greatly pressed by declarations 
from the people, who, though they were pleased with 
the dishonour put on Sir H. Vane, (he being unhappy in 
lying under the most catholick prejudice of any man I 
know,) yet partly dissatisfied with the seclusion of the 
members of '48, and partly thirsting after their liber- 
ties in free parliament, were restless and impetuous. 

General Monke is now earnestly applied to by the 
greatest of the citizens of London, and the members of 
parliament who were secluded in the year '48, to re- 
store them to the exercise of their trust in that capacity. 
After some debate with some of the then sitting mem- 
bers concerning this matter, without further consent ob- 
tained from the then sitting members, and without their 
privity, they were by the general brought into the 
house. They sat not three weeks, before they, by act 

Letter of John Maidston. 197 

of parliament, dissolved themselves, and made provision 
for a succeeding parliament, which is to sit down the 
25th day of the next month. In this time they made 
sundry acts ; one about the ministry, to the advantage 
of the Presbytery ; another, in which they settled a 
militia distinct from that of the army, put into such 
com 'ner S ' i iarK Js, for the most part, as are for the king's 
interest. They likewise settled a council of state, con- 
sisting of one-and-thirty very prudent, sober men, and of 
good interest as to civil concernments. 

But to draw to a period, and trouble you no longer 
with this discourse. The interest of religion lies dread- 
fully in * the dust ; for the eminent professors of it, having 
achieved formerly great victories in the war, and there- 
by great power in the army, made use of it to make 
variety of changes in government, and every of those 
changes hazardous, pernicious and dissatisfactory in one 
considerable respect or other. These were all charged 
upon the principles of the authors of them, who, being 
Congregational men, have not only made men of that 
persuasion cheap, but rendered them odious to the 
generality of the nation ; and that the rather, because 
General Fleetwood, who married the protector's daugh- 
ter, and the Lord Desborow, who married his sister, 
were principal instruments (as is apprehended, though 1 
think not truly of Fleetwood) in overthrowing the 
family, from which they had their preferment and so 
many signal kindnesses. It is not to be exprest what 
reproach is brought upon profession of religion by this 
means, and what a foundation laid to persecute it out 
of England, if that party prevails, [an erasure of a more 
modern date than that of the letter.] For demonstra- 
tion is made by experience, that professors were not 
more troublesome and factious in times of peace, before 
the wars of England began, and the great instruments 
of them, than they have been imperious, self-seeking, 
trust-breaking and covenant-violating, since they were 
invested with power. And whether this scandal will 
go, or what the effects of it will be, the Lord knows. 

, * [London copy on. Ed.] 


198 Letter of John Maidston. 

But to be sure, as Solomon says, He that breaketh a 
hedge, a serpent will bite him. And this is fulfilled upon 
them, who have been the greatest hedge-breakers that 
I have known. And as there is a wo pronounced to the 
world by our Saviour, because of offences, so is there a 
redundant wo to them by whom those offences come. 

I have cause to believe, that you have met with most 
of what I have here communicated to you, in a better 
dress, from some other hand. If so, I entreat the pardon 
of your stomach for my crambo bis coctum. I also 
entreat your advice, by the next opportunity, concerning 
friends here, what encouragement persons may have, if 
times press them, to transport their families into New 
England, with some general directions of so doing to the 
best advantage. 

I do promise myself this fruit of my writing, that as it 
may renew our intercourse, and kindle the former coals 
of love, so it will provoke you with greatest fervency to 
lay the sad state of our affairs here before the Lord, 
whose name is greatly engaged in them. For the rage 
of the enemy is swelled to an intolerable height, and his 
mouth set against the heavens. God hath great cause 
now to fear the enemy and the avenger. And this is 
our last refuge ; for we have forfeited all to the utmost. 
I pray present me to my cousin, your wife, under the 
character of a person ready, though unable, to serve 
her ; and accept of the like tender from, 

Your real servant and unworthy kinsman, 


Westminster, March 24, 1659. 

If you shall give yourself the trouble, at any time, of 
honouring me with a letter, you may please to direct it 
to Pond House, at Boxted in Essex, where my father 
lived. It is three miles from Colchester. 

These for his honourable Friend and Kinsman, \ 
John Winthrope, Esq. Governour of the > 
Colony of Connecticut in New England. • j 

Plymouth Company Accounts. 199 

Plymouth Company Accounts. 

1628. The Company of Plemouth in New England are 
Debitors as foil. viz. 

10 so much paid for Mr. Rogers' pas- 
sage, 205. his diet 1 1 weeks at 45. M. . 3 114 
Paid for Constant Sother's passage, 205. and 

diet 11 weeks at 45. Sd 3 11 4 

John Gibbs, for freight of beaver and other 

skins, 305. charges at custom house, . 1 13 
To Mr. Elbridg for freight of 3 hogsheads, 3 
For primage of the said 3 hogsheads, . . 10 

For custom thereof at Bristowe, .... 800 
To the boatswain, by Mr. Winslowe's order, 2 5 
For bringing the beaver from Bristowe, . 115 
Paid to Mr. Elbridg for 125£. taken up at 

50£. p. c 187 10 

Paid to John Pocock for 20 £. taken up at 

30£. p. c. for 2 years, 32 

Paid to Edward Basse for 5£. taken up at 

65. p. £. for 2 years, 8 

Paid to Timothy Hatherley for 10jG. taken 

up at 6s. p. £. for 2 years, 16 

Paid to Wm. Thomas for 10£. taken up at 

65. p. £. for 2 years, 16 

Paid to Mr. Linge for 5£. at 6s. p. £. for 2 

years, 800 

Paid, being the first year's payment towards 

the purchase, 200 

Paid to Mrs. Armstronge in full for her debt, 

which now belongeth to the Company, 2 

To Mr. Viner about the patent, and spent 

thereabouts, 39 15 

More since laid out by Mr. Hatherley, as in 

your account, for the patent, .... 70 

200 Plymouth Company Accounts. 

To so much paid for custom and charges by 
Mr. Brand for the goods out of Mr. Wm. 
Peeters, 7 12 

541 10 
So here you are indebted to the Company 

which I set here to balance, . . . .118 6 11 

659 16 11 

But now I find in your letter of the 7th and 
12th of December, 1628, that you have 
laid out for the Company as followeth, 
besides what you know belongeth unto 
them, and that I have not taken out of 
the account betwixt you and me : 

Paid for shoes and leather, . 30 

Paid for cloth, 40 

Irish stockings and cloth of all 

sorts, 40 

Pitch, tar, ropes and twine, . 5 

Knives, scissors, and the piece 

ofrowle, 18 

Rudge of divers sorts, ... 14 

Lead, shot and powder ... 25 

Hatchets, hoes, axes, scythes, 
reap-hooks, shovels, spades, 
saws, files, nails, iron pots, 
drugs and spices, .... 60 

All these 1 find you put down, 

which amount to ... . 232 

Besides many other I imagine 
you omit, and the charge of 
your servants. So now I 
find the Company are in your 
debt (the 118:6: 11 above 
being set off) the sum of 113 13. 1 


Plymouth Company Accounts. 201 

1628. The Company of Flemouth in New England are 
Creditors for Goods sent by them, and sold here, as foil. 

Rec. out of the Marmaduck, by John Gibbs, 
220 otters' with mincks' and quash skins, 
sold at 78 12 

Rec. out of the Whitt Angell, by Christopher 
Burkett, 494 lb. 8 d. beaver, sold at 15s. 
6d. amounts to 383 14 3 

Rec. out of the Pleasure, Wm. 
Peeters master, 209 lb. 12 d. 
beaver, at 16s. Ad. . . .171 5 11 

40 otters' skins sold together, 29 

200 5 11 
Rebated, because they were 
exceeding wet, and doubtful 
some mistake in the weight, 
the sum of 2 15 3 

So they yielded, to be put to 

account, 197 10 8-197 10 8 

659 16 11 


Memorandum. The Company stand indebted unto these 
several men following, for principal moneys borrowed of 
them, as foil. 

To John Beauchampe, p. bond bearing date 
the 18th day of November, 1628, payable 
on the 25th day of October, 1629, being 
principal money only, the sum of . . .160 

To James Sherley, p. bond dated the 18th 
of November, 1628, payable on the 25th 

202 Memoir of Gamaliel Bradford, Esq. 

of October, 1629, being principal money 

only, 80 

To Richard Andrewes, p. bond dated the 
18th of November, 1628, payable the 15th 
of October, 1629, being principal money, 40 



Memoir of Gamaliel Bradford, Esq. 

feOME biographical notice of members of the Histori- 
cal Society has been always given on their decease. 
In compliance with this invariable practice, and by par- 
ticular request of the Society, at its last meeting, the 
following sketch of the life of Gamaliel Bradford, Esq. 
who died March 7th, 1824, has been prepared. He 
was born at Duxbury, November, 1763, and was of the 
fifth generation from William Bradford, many years 
governour of Plymouth colony. Gov. Bradford had 
three sons, the second of whom bore his name ; was major 
of militia ; judge of probate ; one of the council of war ; 
a commissioner of the four United Colonies of New 
England ; deputy governour of Plymouth colony ; and 
one of the council of Massachusetts, after # the union of 
these two colonies in 1692. This William had nine 
sons, by three wives ; one of whom was Samuel, who 
lived in the south part of Duxbury, and possessed an 
extensive tract of land, which he inherited from his 
father : He was an active man, and largely concerned in 
trade. His eldest son was graduated at Harvard Col- 
lege, 1713. His youngest son was Gamaliel, and suc- 
ceeded to the landed estate of his father. He was a 
colonel of the militia ; judge of the county court ; a 
representative from Duxbury to the General Court for 
several years ; and also a member of the council from 
1764 to 1770. His second son, Gamaliel, lived also in 

Memoir of Gamaliel Bradford, Esq. 203 

Duxbury. He was a captain in the war of 1756 — 8 ; 
afterwards colonel of the militia ; and colonel in the 
continental army from 1776 to 1783. He was also, 
several years, a representative for Duxbury, and a 
magistrate of the county of Plymouth. The subject 
of this article was his second son. His maternal grand- 
father was Samuel Alden, grandson of J. Alden, one of 
the first settlers at Plymouth in 1620. He received his 
early education at a grammar school in his native town, 
kept successively, by Hon. G. Partridge and others, all 
graduates of Harvard College. In youth he was re- 
markable for activity and decision, as well as for a can- 
did and generous spirit ; traits of character, for which he 
was distinguished through life. In 1776, when scarcely 
thirteen years old, he accompanied his father to the 
American camp ; and continued connected with the army 
till the autumn of 1783. In 1779, at the age of sixteen, 
he received a commission as ensign; and in 1780 was 
advanced to a lieutenancy. He had the reputation of a 
resolute and brave officer. 

For several months after he left the army, he was 
hesitating as to his future pursuits of life. He was at 
one time desirous of a publick education in the Univer- 
sity ; but did not pursue it, as he could not think of 
being behind his cotemporaries in any respect — (a feel- 
ing of pride, perhaps, not to be entirely justified.) He 
was now about twenty-one, and those of his age would 
have a standing several years before him. He was not 
long, however, in a state of indecision. A life of indo- 
lence is irksome to an active mind, nor can a man of 
good principles forget his obligations to be useful in 
society. He soon decided in favour of a sea-faring 
life, and in 1784 made a voyage to France, where he 
remained for some months for the purpose of acquiring 
a thorough knowledge of the language, in the study of 
which he had already been engaged. He wrote and 
spoke the French language with correctness and facility. 
Afterwards he acquired a knowledge of the Latin, 
Spanish and Italian; and the best English poets, the 

204 Memoir of Gamaliel Bradford, Esq. 

most eminent writers in belles lettres, ethicks and histo- 
ry, were familiar to him. In his leisure hours he read 
and wrote much. His style was pure and copious. His 
letters to his friends, from London, Paris, Naples, Cadiz 
and Venice, indicate an inquisitive and discriminating 
mind, and give evidence of extensive reading and obser- 
vation. The intelligent editor of the paper, in which 
some of his letters were published, observed, " that they 
were written by a gentleman, whose gallant conduct 
and misfortune were well known ; that they partook of 
the ease and spirit of epistolary writing, and discovered 
the intelligence and accuracy of a well-informed travel- 

His description of Mount Vesuvius, and of his descent 
into the crater 250 yards, at a time when it was in a 
comparatively quiet state, was published in 1801, and 
afforded much entertainment to those who are fond of 
daring adventures, or desirous of minute details respect- 
ing that wonderful volcano. His account of the an- 
tiquities of Rome and its vicinity, and of the remaining 
works of the celebrated sculptors of early times, was 
very interesting — especially as we had then few state- 
ments from native Americans — and may justify us in 
giving him the humble character of an amateur. He 
was at Venice when Napoleon entered that city, in 
1807, in all the pride and pomp of imperial power, 
and his representation of the scene, published in the 
Boston Anthology, was read with great avidity and 

In the course of his maritime career, he encountered 
many and severe hazards. When commander of a large 
ship of four hundred tons, in 1799, at the time our 
merchantmen were allowed to arm on account of 
French privateers, he was attacked by four of those 
marauders at once, in the Mediterranean Sea ; but he 
made a brave and successful resistance, to the great 
chagrin of the enemy, and much to the gratification of his 
friends. The generous owners of the ship, citizens of 
Boston, bore honourable testimony to his skill and 

Memoir of Gamaliel Bradford, Esq. 205 

courage, by presenting him a valuable piece of plate, to 
perpetuate the remembrance of the transaction. The 
next year, in a like situation, and on his return from 
Naples, he was attacked by two large French armed 
vessels, near the coast of Spain, and in this rencounter 
he received a wound in his thigh, which occasioned the 
loss of a leg. This was a severe privation to one of his 
activity and enterprise. But he bore up under the mis- 
fortune with great resolution and fortitude. 

After this unfortunate event, he was several years en- 
gaged in mercantile pursuits on land. But the employ- 
ment was not congenial to his active habits, and he 
again entered on the sea-faring life, in which he continu- 
ed four or five years. One less enterprising would 
have found an excuse for declining such a course, in the 
loss of a limb, which must have subjected him to pecu- 
liar inconveniences on the ocean. When he finally left 
the employment of a shipmaster, in 1808, he resumed 
the business of a merchant, but in a way which required 
less labour and attention than the ordinary concerns of 
the profession demand. About this time, on the forma- 
tion of a Society in Boston for the moral Improvement 
of Seamen, he was elected president, and continued an 
efficient member for several years. While an officer of 
the society, he wrote several pamphlets, of a moral and 
religious cast, with a view to distribution among sailors, 
for their improvement ; and they were considered hap- 
pily calculated for the object. When the captain of a 
merchantman, he was very attentive to the moral con- 
duct of his crew, and usually read prayers to them, 
(when at sea. 
In 1787, a regiment was raised in this state, by 
order of the Continental Congress. This was done by 
1 request of the rulers of Massachusetts, on account of an 
i insurrection in the western parts of the state. It had 
! been suppressed, indeed, by the firm policy of Gov. 
Bowdoin, by the aid of the military under command of 
Gen. Lincoln ; but fears were entertained of further op- 
position to government. Mr. Bradford had an appoint- 


206 Memoir of Gamaliel Bradford, Esq. 

ment as lieutenant in this corps. And in 1798, when 
Mr. Adams was president of the United States, and a 
naval force was prepared to defend the country, he was 
proffered the command of the Boston frigate. Both 
these commissions he declined. When the first was 
tendered him, he had but just engaged on a new course 
of business, for the purpose of obtaining a living ; and in 
the other case, though he declined the honour with 
some reluctance, — for the prospect was flattering to his 
ambition, and consonant to his patriotick feelings, — he 
believed his duty to a numerous family was paramount 
to all other considerations. 

In 1813 he was appointed warden, or chief executive 
officer of the State Prison, and he continued in this sta- 
tion until his death. The proper government of such 
an institution must be extremely difficult. It requires 
great judgment and firmness, and a due mixture of se- 
verity and compassion. Few men are well qualified for 
such a command. Mr. Bradford gave very general satis- 
faction in his management of the convicts. A leading 
trait of his character was pity for the wretched. He 
was generous and humane in his feelings ; at the same 
time he knew the importance of subordination, and the 
necessity of entire submission on the part of the unhappy 
prisoners. During the first year of his being in office, 
he was supposed by some to be too lenient in his treat- 
ment of the convicts ; and there is reason to believe, 
that he was too much inclined to listen to their stories of 
misfortune and of pretended innocence. His generous 
feelings led him to pity, and sometimes almost to excuse 
them, and to plead for their release. But more experi- 
ence of the depraved and hardened character of many 
of them, induced him to alter, in some measure, his 
former views. He found it necessary to maintain a rigid 
execution of the regulations of the prison, requiring con- 
stant labour and absolute submission. The discipline he 
maintained in the latter part of his command, was by 
some thought severe. Those who knew but little of 
the arts and depravity of many of the convicts were 

Memoir of Gamaliel Bradford, Esq. 207 

liable to imposition, and were ready to accuse the war- 
i den of inhumanity and want of feeling. But he was al- 
J i ways careful to discriminate ; and while he used his au- 
I thority to discipline most strictly the hardened, whom 
nothing but fear could restrain, he was always reasonbly 
indulgent and compassionate toward those, who regret- 
ted their faults and were disposed to submission. He 
felt much concern in maintaining the discipline, which he 
considered necessary, and in having the institution pro- 
ductive of good, according to one great design of its 
establishment, as a penitentiary. Perhaps there was 
some personal ambition enlisted in behalf of this object. 
Mr. Bradford was always anxious to discharge his duty ; 
nor was he insensible to the praise bestowed upon those 
who do well and are useful. 

As he had the chief concern in the immediate regula- 
tion and government of the State Prison, he considered 
his own character identified, in some measure, with its 
reputation. He opened a correspondence with the prin- 
cipal officers of other similar establishments in this coun- 
try, and read the history of those in England, to learn 
their modes of discipline, and the general results attend- 
ing confinement to labour, instead of corporal punish- 
ment, for crimes, either as a preventive or as the means 
of reformation. He gave his views to the publick on 
this subject, in a pamphlet, about four years ago, which 
was noticed with approbation both in the United States 
and England. Occasional religious instruction and ad- 
monition, classification, and constant employment, were 
found to be very important, and even indispensable ; but 
ineffectual, in most cases. Solitary confinement, there- 
fore, when the convicts were not at labour, was, in his 
opinion, absolutely necessary to produce contrition and 
reformation. A degree of lenity, also, towards those 
who had any ingenuousness of disposition, so far as 
consistent with the execution of the laws of the insti- 
tution, and their entire submission to discipline and or- 
der, he found eventually favourable. He wished to 
cherish in the mind of the convict a hope of his res- 

208 Memoir of Gamaliel Bradford, Esq. 

toration to a reputable standing in the world, upon his 
uniform good conduct in future. He would not only 
restrain the hardened offender, through fear of greater 
or continued punishment ; but he would encourage the 
penitent, industrious and obedient, to expect good 
treatment, and a degree of confidence even, from their 
fellow-men in society. He endeavoured to impress on 
those, who left the prison, and who had discovered 
some hopeful symptoms of reformation, that their case 
was not desperate ; that they would find some sympathy 
from the world, upon their being sober and industri- 
ous ; and that, therefore, they had much to hope from a 
regular and moral course of life ; and he exerted him- 
self to find some honest employment for such, when 
they were dismissed from confinement. In this respect, 
perhaps, publick opinion, or rather the general con- 
duct of men, may be changed, with happy effects up- 
on those, who have once erred, but are disposed to 
reform. There is need of much caution and judg- 
ment in these cases, no doubt. Yet a mild and en- 
couraging deportment towards an unfortunate wander- 
er, evidently resolved to amend, must have a salutary 
influence in giving strength to his good purposes, and 
serve to inspire hope, without which there is no rea- 
son to look for reformation. When one is shunned 
and deserted by his fellow-men, as unworthy of all 
confidence, he will soon become desperate, and aban- 
don himself, without shame, to every species of crime. 

When the government of the Massachusetts General 
Hospital was formed, he was elected one of the trus- 
tees, and he was chosen to this place for several years, 
until his feeble health and other duties induced him 
to resign it. In 1820, he received the honorary de- 
gree of Master of Arts in Harvard University — a proof 
of the reputation he sustained for literary acquire- 
ments, and of the respectability of his general cha- 

It would not be doing justice to the character of 
Mr. Bradford, were we to omit noticing his faithful 

History of the Narraganset Country. 209 

and worthy conduct as a parent. His chief happiness 
was in his own family circle. He was a kind and at- 
tentive husband ; and to the moral and literary im- 
provement of his children, he was anxiously devoted. 
He spared no expense for their education ; and it was 
his greatest pleasure to join them in reading useful 
books, and in free discussions on literary subjects. To 
his friends, he was generous, and to all, with whom he 
had intercourse, just and honourable. As a soldier 
and as a sailor, he was brave, resolute and enterprising. 
No obstacles discouraged him, and no dangers appalled 
him. He was generally accustomed to command ; but 
he manifested no insolence towards his inferiours ; nor 
was he desirous of exerting authority to display official 
superiority. He was truly republican, as well as hon- 
ourable, in his feelings. Every one, who did his duty, 
he considered as entitled to esteem and commendation ; 
and when he saw those, who were clothed with power, 
employ it with partiality, or to oppress and mortify their 
fellow-men, he was sometimes excited to expressions of 
indignation, which might be construed into an opposition 
to lawful authority. His principles, and generally his 
feelings, were correct. He had a high sense of honour : 
he thought little of wealth or place. In his view, true 
worth consisted entirely in the discharge of duty, in 
awarding justice and impartiality to all, and in compas- 
sion and benevolence towards the unfortunate and the 

He was chosen a member of this Society in 1794, 
and always took a lively interest in its usefulness and 

A brief Narrative of that Part of New England 


IT is an undoubted truth, and known to many persons 
still living, that Cononicus was the sole and chief govern- 


210 History of the Narraganset Country. 

our or sachem of the Nanhiganset country ; which might 
also be distinguished by particular appellations, as Co- 
wesett country, Niantuck country, and many more not 
commonly known, but in general terms passed under 
the denomination of the Nanhiganset country, whose 
bounds and limits may and is supposed, by the best 
evidences of sundry ancient English and Indians, to be 
confined, as the northerly bounds of the Narraganset 
country, by Pantuckit River, Quenebage and Nipmuck 
countries ; westerly by a brook called Wequapaug, not 
far from Paquatuck River ; southerly by the sea, or main 
ocean ; and easterly by the Nanhiganset Bay, wherein 
lieth many islands, by deeds bought of the Nanhiganset 
sachems, which, by deeds [of] conveyance and many 
memorials will shew, the above bounds doth include the 
whole dominions and territories belonging unto the 
aforesaid Cononicus and other the Nanhiganset sachems, 
hereafter named, (viz.) Miantinomy, Cussusquench, alias 
Paticus, alias Mossup — for the Indians change their 
names — and Conjanaquond, all being the sons of Cono- 
nicus his brother and Niniclade his sister's son. Meika 
was the son of Cononicus, and, after his father's death, 
was the chief sachem, who married with Matantuck, 
sister to Ninaclad, who had two sons, named Scuttup 
and Quequaquenuct, alias Gedeon, who died young, a 
daughter, Quinemiquet, who also died young. Matan- 
tuck, the mother of those last above-named, was a wo- 
man of great power, and called the Old Queen, and was 
killed in the Indian wars. Quanopin was the son of 
Cojonoquond, and was shot to death in Newport. Mi- 
antinomy, aforesaid, was taken prisoner by the Mohegan 
Indians, a nation in war with them, and by them put to 
death. Cussusquench, before-named, was killed by the 
Moqui in the wilderness, about twenty miles above Pis- 
cataqua, in his travel eastward in the time of the Indian 
wars, and other Indians with him, and were buried by 
order of Major Waldron of Piscataway. Cononocus, 
being the sole governour or chief sachem, employed his 
nephew, Miantinomy, to manage his warlike affairs, 

History of the Narraganset Country, 211 

as general of his army, and in his declining years took 
him as a partner in his government for assistance ; it be- 
ing a custom amongst the Indians, that all persons of 
the blood royal did, by some measure, bear sway in the 
government ; and each sachem had his particular place 
for residence, and a kind of bounds between them, but 
not positively certain or determinate ; and each sachem 
had his particular men, or subjects, who submitted unto 
him, or had a chief. Under these sachems are many 
petty sachems, or captains, who bear some rule or com- 
mand amongst the people, but subordinate to the chief 
sachems, whose commands are absolute and without 
control, yet much ruled by their council, who are 
chosen for their wisdom and ability. To these sachems 
belong the power of disposal of lands, to which the peo- 
ple subject themselves as a power due to them, some 
gratuity being usual first bestowed on the possessors 
by the purchasers, to make them more free to remove 
and depart. Matters being thus stated, the next thing 
requisite, is to shew the gradual purchasers and settle- 
ments of the English in the country. 

Firstly, Mr. Roger Williams bought of Cononocus 
and Miantinomy a tract of land, about the year 1634. 
chiefly situated between two rivers called Patuckit and 
Pautuxit, above five miles in distance, twenty miles in 
length, and with some other persons settled a town, 
called it Providence, and though its beginning was 
small, yet is now considerable, having many inhabitants. 
The next tract of land southward, called Warwick, was 
purchased of Miantinomy by twelve persons, whose 
names are all mentioned in the deed, dated January 
12th, 1642, and are all since dead, and their titles very 
weak. About this time, or rather before, Mr. Richard 
Smith, sen. went further southward into the Narragan- 
set country, about twelve miles, and, by the sachem's 
leave, erected a house for trade near a place called by 
the natives Cacumqunssut, and afterwards bought the 
land and there remained amongst his Indian neighbours 
for several years, adjudged by Mr. Richard Smith, jun. 

212 History of the Narraganset Country. 

to thirty thousand inhabitants, young and old, until Mr. 
Roger Williams, afore-mentioned, about seven or eight 
years after, came thither and built another house for 
trade, not far from the former, who in a few years 
grew weary of his new settlement, and sold it to Mr. 
Richard Smith, and departed, (who again remained 
alone, being courteous to all strangers passing that way, 
till the year 1659,) and after the conquest of the Pequid 
wars, the Narraganset sachems, being friendly to the 
English, did capitulate and agree with the United Colo- 
nies upon sundry articles and conclusions, and did then 
submit themselves and people unto his majesty's govern- 
ment, and to be tried by the English laws, in case of 
difference, as by said articles may be seen. 

Afterwards, June 22d, 1643, Punham and Sacano- 
cho put themselves under the government of the Maca- 
chusetts, by a writing signed, and was interpreted to 
them by Mr. Benedict Arnold. 

And in March 7th, 1644, Wassamegun, Nashawanon, 
Cutshamacke, Massanomell and squa sachem, made 
their voluntary submissions to the Massachusetts colo- 
ny, and on the 19th of April, 1644, Pessicus and Cononi- 
cus submitted themselves and people to the care, pro- 
tection and government of his majesty, as may appear 
in print. 

These settlements of the Narragansett, above-men- 
tioned, by the English, together with Rhode Island, 
which lieth eastward in the Nanhigansett Bay, being 
then without government but what they set up by con- 
sent amongst themselves, thie colony of the Massachu- 
setts procured a charter for government of the Nara- 
gansett country from some lords in England, dated 
December 10th, 1643. Afterwards, Mr. Williams, be- 
fore-mentioned, procured another charter for the same 
tract of land, from the same lords, dated March 1st, 
1644, being both invalid in themselves, and the power, 
&c. granted them, condemned afterwards. So they fell 
of themselves. 

History of the Narraganset Country. 213 

But to proceed to farther settlement in the Narragan- 
sett country to the southward and northward of Mr. 
Smith's house. Mr. John Hull and company purchased 
some lands, about the year 1658, at or about Point 
Judah, as [by] their deeds appears. 

Another purchase was then also made by Mr. John 

Winthrop, Major Humphrey Atherton, and others joined 

with them, of lands of Cojonoquond for a tract of 

land lying to the northward of Mr. Smith's house, called 

| Acquedneseth, as [by] the deed bearing date June 11th, 

j 1659. 

Again the same men purchased another tract of land 
j of Cojonoquond, lying to the southward of Mr. Smith's 
J house, called Naomuck Neck, now called Boston Neck, 
j and a further tract without the neck, adjoining to it, 
and bounded with certain bounds, as appears by their 
deed, dated July 11th, 1659. For confirmation of 
these two purchases, Scuttop, the grandson of Cononi- 
cus, ratifies and confirms the sale thereof, by deed 
dated August 5th 1659. Cusimquch, Scuttop and 
Quequaquomet, also, confirms the sale of the two tracts 
above-mentioned, by their deeds dated June 14th, 1660. 
About this time, Capt. Hutchinson, who was one of the 
purchasers of Rhode Island, on the behalf of himself 
and company, came to Rhode Island and made a tender 
to the inhabitants thereof, to be equal concerned with 
him and them all in purchases made in the Narragansett 
country ; but, upon much debate, the people saw cause 
not to accept of his and their tender. 

The Narragansett Indians, having done some damage 
about Mohegin in a hostile manner, and being called to 
account for the same to make satisfaction, the Nanhigan- 
set sachems agreed with the commissioners of the United 
Colonies, to pay them six hundred fathom of wampom- 
peage, or thereabouts ; and for performance did mort- 
gage and make over their whole country to the said 
commissioners, by their deeds dated September, 1660 ; 
but not having the peage in time, they applied them- 
selves to Major Atherton and his associates, desiring 

214 History of the Narraganset Country. 

them to pay the obligation, and would assign over the 
said mortgage to them ; whereupon a new mortgage 
was made to Major Atherton and his associates of the 
land, and a longer day allowed them for payment, with 
all necessary charges arising thereon, as per deed, dated 
October 13th, 1660, appears, and signed by Cussum- 
quinch, Niniclad, Scuttop and Quequamutt, the former 
principal sachems of the country. According to this 
agreement, Major Atherton and his associates pays to 
Mr. John Winthrop, governour of Connecticut, in behalf 
of the United Colonies, seven hundred and thirty-five 
fathom of wampompeage, as per his receipt appears, 
dated November 16th, 1660; and giving the said sa- 
chem further time of payment, and from time to time, 
and no payment made, they, about or near two years 
after, surrendered up the said land by turf and twig, in 
the presence of two or three hundred witnesses, both 
English and Indians, four of which English witnesses 
have given their oaths to the truth thereof, as may ap- 
pear .by their testimonies, dated September 22d, 1662; 
and further, in the year 1664, upon gratuities given, and 
twenty pounds in money paid, Scuttop acknowledges 
full satisfaction received of all debts and demands what- 
ever for lands of the whole Nanhiganset country. Mat- 
tantuck, relict of Misca, called the Old Queen, confirms 
what her son did, as by her deed, October 1st, 1668. 

Scuttop and his sister confirms the aforesaid grant 
and the possession given, and desires to be under the 
English government, as per their deeds, dated Decem- 
ber 28th, 1664, may be seen. 

Quonopin, son of Cajanoquond, confirms and ratifies 
what his father had done, as per his deed, dated October 
24th, 1672. Lastly, the sachems, in their articles of 
peace, on July 15th, 1675, in the seventh article, re- 
newed to the company aforesaid, and then confirmed 
unto the English, all their former grants and conveyances 
of said lands sold them ; and also largely confirms all 
former articles with the confederate colonies. 

History of the Narraganset Country. 215 

Now, by what is written, appears the legal progress 
| and the true purchases bought, bona fide, and due con- 
sideration paid for these lands to the native princes, the 
true owners and proprietors of said country, from whom 
all other the purchases in this bay were had, as Provi- 
dence Island, Rhode Island, Quonanaquot, and the rest 
of the islands and tracts of lands ; and my Lord Vaughan, 
in his Reports, saith, without leave and permission of the 
first occupants of any land, no person can have a legal 
title thereto. One purchase more I have heard of, which 
was made to a tract of land lying to the southward of 
Mr. Smith's house, bought of the sachems by Mr. Sam- 
uel Gorton and Mr. Randall Houldon, and was long 
since the year 1644, the pretended year of the sachems' 
surrender of themselves and lands, and by these men, 
who often plead surrender, and most of which tract of 
land Mr. Smith bought of them and their assigns, all 
which tracts of land here above-mentioned was pur- 
chased before any government was here settled by his 
majesty ; and his majesty in his charter afterwards ap- 
proved ; and I cannot understand what reason any per- 
son can render, why one purchase in this tract should be 
counted good, and another, bought of the same persons, 
and have the money paid and charges great, be con- 
demned ; and yet most abominable have been the prac- 
tice of some on such concerns, whose title from the 
natives are nothing so firm ; and further, the purchasers 
of Rhode Island, Providence, Warwick and Quononoqut, 
and all the other purchases in the Narragansett country; 
came all from the same sachems and their successors. 
Perhaps some interested or prejudiced persons may en- 
deavour to weaken these titles by means of Pessicus 
and Canonicus their subjection to his majesty in the 
year 1644 ; and the Indians did the same thing present- 
ly after the Pequid wars, and Pumham and Seconocke 
did the like in the year 1643, and another surrender 
was made before any purchase was made in the Narra- 
gansett country, Providence excepted ; yet these sa- 
chems never intended thereby, that they had given away 

216 History of the Narraganset Country. 

their particular rights, or the power of the disposition of 
these lands ; neither did his majesty intend thereby to 
deprive them of their native right, which they had 
ab origine, as appears afterwards by the several charters 
granted by his majesty, where he approves of the 
several purchases, and as a motive to induce his majesty 
to grant the said charters, he said therein is the bring- 
ing the heathen to the sincere profession and due obe- 
dience of the Christian faith, which the depriving them 
of their lawful rights and liberties could never be 
thought effective to accomplish, but would rather deter 
them ; and for any thing done by them, called a sur- 
render, they still concluded they were as much sachems 
as before, nor lost no right nor power, but were 
strengthened ; and if their power of government was 
gone thereby, they ought to have the privilege of their 
fellow subjects to dispose of their own without control, 
and by their subjection they became not villains. There 
is a great disparity between a throne and a slave, and 
those that thought to injure them in such a way, de- 
serves the name of infamy, for abusing them on such a 
cause they were wholly ignorant of, as may be seen by | 
all the proceedals since. 

And whereas there is a great noise of the Indians 
tendering the w T ampompeage at the day prefixed to 
redeem their land, that also will be found false ; for 
their is oaths to prove the contrary ; and if there was 
a stratagem contrived by some men to endeavour to 
get the land out of said Atherton and company's hands 
for themselves, this they can prove ; and for a further 
vindicating Atherton and company's right against the 
false assertions, the payment was due in April, 1661, 
and the sachems delivered possession of the land freely 
and willingly in the year 1662, which they would never: 
have done, had their peage been once tendered, as by 
some falsely said. And Scuttop, in 1664, gives a re- 
ceipt in full of all demands concerning the premises, and 
acknowledges full satisfaction ; and again, the same year, 
he with his sister owns the possession delivered by 1 

History of the Narraganset Country. 217 

turf and twig; and when the king's commissioners was 
here, in 1664, there was no such complaint made to 
them, that the peage was tendered, hut rather to the 
contrary, by their following orders, that they should pay 
it by such a time, which the Indians never did, and alter 
the instigation of some ill spirits to the commissioners, 
they passed a severe sentence, that the English should 
quit their habitations; and yet that act could not be of 
any force, for without Col. Nicolls being one, they 
could do nothing; afterwards, Col. Nicolls passes 
an act, an order, and wholly disannulled that former 
act, and made it of no force. And after this, to shew 
these fellows' actings and false reports, Mattantuck 
confirming her sons' grants in the year 1668, and in the 
year 1672 Quonopin confirms what his father had done ; 
and in the year 1675, in their articles of peace, there 
makes a full acknowledgment of their satisfaction in all 
that concerns of lands, and ratifies their former acts. 

Yet there may be some room for a mistake, which 
may not be impertinent to insert. Catonomy, an Indian, 
sold land to some Warwick men, and took peage for it : 
his father, disliking his son should sell land whilst he 
was living, carried the peage to Warwick, and tendered 
it to them before Sir Robert Carr ; but it not being 
accepted, Sir Robert Carr, as it is said, took it ; and this, 
1 suppose, may be the peage so much talked of. 

Thus, having shewed the conveyance from the natives, 
something shall be said of the gradual progress of his 
majesty's subjects; and as nothing could have due set- 
tlement without a method and rule and government, so 
none was looked legal of any government that was given 
by them, who, by a strong hand, kept his majesty from 
his crown ; and at his return, many petitions were pre- 
sented, some for charters of corporations, others for 
confirmation of former grants ; but his majesty, to grati- 
fy his subjects' requests, first grants a charter to his 
subjects of Connecticut, the eastern bound being therein 
mentioned was the Narragansett Bay, or river; thereby 
they claim the whole Narragansett country ; the ex- 


218 History of the Narraganset Country. 

tent of which charter proving prejudicial to the colony 
of Rhode Island and Providence Plantation, who re- 
quested the same grant of the Narragansett country, 
and declared that Connecticut grant was surreptitiously 
gotten ; and to comprise the difference on that concern, 
the two agents, viz. the Connecticut agent and Rhode 
Island agent, put the debate thereof to some worthy 
gentlemen in England, to give a result and a composure 
of said differences ; and they, after debate, on the alle- 
gations of both agents, draw up their results in four 
heads, and signed them ; to the which both agents also 
sign the said articles interchangeable, and was looked 
as an approved composure of the differences. The 
articles are as follows : — That, firstly, Paugatuck River 
should be the bounds between the two colonies ; and 
that for the future that river shall be called Narragan- 
sett River. The second was concerning Quenibaug 
purchases; and the third, that the proprietors and in- 
habitants of that land now settled about Mr. Smith's 
trading house, claimed or purchased by Major Atherton 
and company, should have free liberty to sell and 
choose to which of these colonies they will belong. 
And, fourthly, they do declare, that property should not 
be altered nor destroyed, but carefully maintained 
through the said colonies. — And upon these articles, a 
charter of incorporation was granted to Rhode Island 
and Providence Plantation ; and long before Connecti- 
cut charter was sent over into this country, many gentle- 
men, concerned in the property of the Narragansett 
country, some belonging to all the three colonies, had 
made purchase and settlements, viz. the colony of Bos- 
ton, Plymouth and Connecticut ; and they, finding many 
turbulent spirits belonging to the present government of 
Rhode Island and Providence Plantation, who never 
had any concern with them as to government, they 
therefore, according to his majesty's grant to Connecti- 
cut, submitted, and were settled under said charter 
government ; and the grants and deeds of their land 
were enrolled in the records of said colony at Hartford ; 

History of the .Narraganset Country. 2 1 9 

and all manner of officers, as justice of peace, &c. were 

i chosen of the people settled there by Connecticut, and 
the people peaceably remained under that government ; 
all part of that Narragansett country, (Warwick and 
Providence excepted.) 

And after some time, the men that set forth the 
new-modelled story of the Indians' subjection in the 
year 1644, began a stir to destroy the good settle- 
ment of the country. And now begins some men to 
strike at all Major Atherton and company's pur- 
chases, and also all the southern purchases in that 

i country, and south the several islands since settled 

i in the Narragansett Bay, and with the most prodigious 
misapplication of things, without considering what 

i might tend to their own ruin ; also, in one of their 
addresses, they declare to his majesty, that there is no 
such river known as Paugatuck, alias Narragansett 

! River. This, I suppose, was through some inadvert- 
ency; and differences arising, the purchasers, with 
Major Atherton, address themselves to his majesty 

! for relief: whereupon his majesty recommends the 
care and protection of them to the United Colonies in 

! New England, by his letter dated January the 21st, 
1663; and better to compose all differences arising be- 
tween colony and colony, his majesty grants a commis- 
sion to Col. Richard Nicolls, Sir Robert Carr, Knight, 
George Cartwright and Samuel Maverick, Esquires, 
and constitutes them commissioners, or the survivors 
of them, of whom Col. Richard Nicolls, during his life, 

i to be always one, to examine and determine all differ- 
ences, as by their commission, dated April 25th in 
the sixteenth year of his reign. Sir Robert Carr, Mr. 
Cartwright and Mr. Maverick, sitting at Petequomscut, 

i orders, upon complaint made unto them of difference, 

I that the Narragansett country, for the future, should be 
called the King's Province, and that no person of that 
colony presume to exercise jurisdiction there, but such 
as receive authority from them under their hands and 
seals, until his majesty's pleasure should be further 
known, and did then declare the purchases of Mr. 

220 History of the Narraganset Country. 

Atherton to be void, and did order the inhabitants 
thereon to quit their habitations by Michaelmas follow- 
ing, as may be seen by their order, March 20th, 1664, 
Now here take notice, here was an act void as soon as 
made, for Col. Nicolls had not assented to it, and 
therefore no act. 

And in order to the settling a government in the 
King's Province, after they had taken it from all the colo- 
nies, they grant the government of it the same day to 
fourteen persons, part whereof was before officers in the 
government of Rhode Island, and part private persons. 
Thus the magistrates or government fling away part of 
the land supposed to be in their charter government, 
complying with them, that of themselves had no power 
to act, as I have said, without Col. Nicolls, and these 
commissioners, as abovesaid, they make justices of the 
peace of part of them, and the others, before being 
magistrates, they order that any seven of them, whereof 
the governour or deputy governour should be one, 
should hold a court, to determine any difference in their 
created province, and that the deputy governour should 
be a magistrate when the governour was present; and 
on the 8th of April, 1665, the said commissioners put an 
end to that commission, and further ordered, that the 
governour, deputy governour and assistants of said 
colony, for the time being, to be and exercise only the 
authority of justices of the peace, and to do what they 
think fit for the peace and safety of the province, and as 
near as they can to the English laws, until his majesty's 
pleasure should be further known. Thus, you may see, 
they took the whole government of the Narragansett 
from Connecticut and Rhode Island, and gave the 
government of it to some particular men only, (here 
there is no colony nor assembly to be,) and to exercise 
that authority and power, but made a particular govern- 
ment, and most of these men since dead. 

But, upon complaint of Col. Nicolls aforesaid, who 
during his life, always must be one, he, with Sir Robert 
Carr and Mr. Maverick, reverses part of the aforesaid 
order, in these words following : — 

History of the Narraganset Country. 221 

" Whereas, by a former order, bearing date March 
20th, 1664, at Petequomscut, it was then ordered, that 
all the inhabitants within the King's Province of Nan- 
higansett should quit their habitations and plantations in 
the month of September following, we have, upon serious 
consideration, thought fit to order and appoint, and by 
these presents do order and appoint, that the said for- 
mer orders shall not remain in force ; that the inhabitants 
of the King's Province of Nanhigansett shall remain in 
quiet and full and peaceable possession of all their lands 
and houses and appurtenances, until his majesty's 
pleasure be further known, any order before made or 
granted to the contrary notwithstanding. Given under 
our hands and seals, the 15th of September, 1665. 


And was directed to the justices of the peace and 
magistrates of Rhode Island, appointed by his majes- 
ty's commissions to regulate and govern the King's 
Province, until his majesty's pleasure be further known. 
Here is no directions to the government of Rhode 
Island, but to the justices of their own appointment; 
and there was two orders more from the same com- 
mission to the same purport, one in August, 1665,. 
the other in November following, one whereof more 
particularly speaks to the matter, that Col. Nicolls 
disliked the removal of any families settled in Nanhi- 
gansett, which may be seen by his letter and protests 
against those that molested the heirs of Mr. Haines, and 
an Indian called Hermon Garrott, in their possessions,, 
and directed to the justice of peace, &c. And then 
our people, to help the matter, and to shew the cer- 
tain bounds of the King's Province, the governour and 
council of Rhode Island, in the year 1669, states the 
bounds to be northerly on the south line of Warwick, 
from west to east to the sea or bay, commonly called 
Cowsett Bay, and from thence round about to the south- 

222 History of the Narraganset Country. 

ward and westward, confined by the salt water, to the 
mouth of Pagatuck, alias Nanhigansett River, where the 
said river falleth into the sea, and so northerly to the 
middle of a ford in the said river, next above Thomas 
Shaw's house, and thence upon a due north line ex- 
tending towards the southerly line of the Massachusetts 
colony, and until it comes in latitude of the south line 
of Warwick, which above-written bounds was after- 
wards sent to Mr. Edward Randolph, to be communi- 
cated to the honourable president, Joseph Dudley, Esq. 
and by Major John Green, of Warwick, July 13th, 
1686. And for a further confirmation of Major Ath- 
erton's and associates' their rights and titles to the 
land above-mentioned, the general assembly of the co- 
lony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantation passed 
an act, in the court held October 20th, 1672, and con- 
firmed their deed or deeds, grant or grants, and declare 
those deeds or grants shall be a good and lawful estate 
and title to them to possess and enjoy forever. And 
whereas it is commonly reported, that the land called 
the mortgage land is not concerned in this act, their 
mistake or errour may easily be corrected, not only by 
some of the assembly now living, who have given evi- 
dences that there was a full debate of the matter, and 
also the petitioners, whose interest lay therein and not 
elsewhere in the country. 

Now comes to view another act of the general assem- 
bly, made six years after, in the year 1678, sitting by 
adjournment, being repugnant to the former act in 1672, 
and the king's commissioners' act in 1664 ; and thereby 
all persons whatever were prohibited to settle in the 
Narragansett without their leave and approbation, and 
that the government and disposition of those lands be- 
long to them ; and the next year, July 9th, 1679, they 
passed an act, [which] contradicts theifc former act in 
1678, and declares the government to be as the king's 
commissioners had ordered it. 

Thus is declared the original settlements of the Nar- 
ragansett country, and the several purchases and govern- 

History of the Narraganset Country. 223 

e j ments to the year 1679, the several acts and contests 
e j and orders and confirmations and prohibitions from 
ei j time to time. But now, at last, comes the king's pleasure 
s;|| to be known, for the issuing the long contests and dif- 

■ J ferences about this litigious country of Narragansett, the 
s i occasion arising about difference between Mr. William 
e Harris of Pawtuxet and the town of Warwick, about 
•i certain lands claimed by both parties. To the issuing 

■ I! thereof, Capt. Houlden and Capt. Greene, deputies from 
. || the town of Warwick, prefers a petition to his late 
,, j majesty, in or about the year 1678, and in their petition 
-I makes a digression from their lands, and steps into the 
i Narragansett country, giving his majesty an account 
f thereof not pertinent to their deputation, which gives 

j an occasion to the lords of the committee for trade and 
plantations to notify a petition, presented by Major 
Richard Smith, concerning the Narragansett country, 
to which petition the said Greene and Houlden answered 
readily ; but his majesty, finding their reports various, 
and the differences great, takes the readiest way to 
issue them ; and therefore, by his letters to the several 
colonies in New England, dated February 12th, 1678 — 9, 
acquaints them, that Capt. Houlden arid Capt. Greene, 
deputies for the town of Warwick, had certified to his 
privy council, of their certain knowledge, as having 
inhabited for above forty years, that never any legal 
purchase had been made thereof from the Indians by 
the Massachusetts or any others ; that the Indian sachems 
had submitted themselves and people unto the govern- 
ment of King Charles ; and thus these magistrates con- 
cludes by their assertion, that the absolute sovereignty 
and particular property is invested in him, and therefore 
strictly wills and requires, that all things relating to the 
King's Province, or the Narragansett, should remain in 
the same condition as now they are, or lately have been in, 
as to the possession and government ; and to put a stop 
to any other contests here, commands all persons, who 
pretend any right or title to the soil or government ol 
said lands, that they forthwith send over persons suffi- 

224 History of the Narraganset Country. 

ciently empowered and entrusted to make their rights 
and titles appear before his majesty ; and for want there- 
of, his majesty's will proceeds, &c. 

Now hereby you may understand, that his majesty, 
upon information given him, as before rehearsed, asserts 
his right to both soil and government of the Narragan- 
sett country, and hereby he nulls and makes void the act 
of the assembly, August, 1678, which said the govern- 
ment and disposition of the lands belongs to them ; but 
his majesty, by their report, concludes the lands are his ; 
and to have a more and true understanding of his sub- 
jects' rights and claim, he requests them to come be- 
fore him, his majesty being desirous all his subjects 
should enjoy their rights; neither did Capt. Houlden 
and Greene's assertion gain credit with his majesty, for 
then his majesty would immediately have settled the 
government and disposed of the lands ; but he con- 
cludes his subjects had a right, and therefore commands 
them to make their right appear before him ; and the 
purchasers, with Major Atherton, knowing their pur- 
chases to be good and valid as any Indian purchase are 
or can be for the lands in this colony possessed by 
others, and much more legally drawn by deeds than 
many others, and that both Providence and Warwick 
have legal rights derived from the true proprietors and 
first occupants thereon. — But, to proceed, after his 
majesty, in the year 1678 — 9, had ordered that all rights 
should be made before him, the colony of Rhode Island 
made their application to his majesty in the first place, 
as by their address dated August 1st, 1679, signed by 
the governour, wherein they beg of his majesty the 
lands they have formerly legally purchased of the 
natives Indians, which positively contradicts the former 
assertion, that there w r ere no legal purchases made; 
and also humbly beseeches his majesty, that he would 
bestow upon them the unsettled and vacant lands, as they 
term them, on them before any other. In this application 
they turn beggars, and would beg other rights ; and 
his majesty's commands was for them to make their right 

History of the Narraganset Country, 225 

and titles appear; so they having none to the land, 
they would a-begged it. But he never intended to 
take the right of soil of others and give it to them, but 
to confirm it on them that had right ; for no rational 
man can imagine, that his majesty will dispose of his 
subjects' right of land they have purchased, possessed 
and improved to a great value, and now for about forty 
years, and give it to others of his subjects, that lay no 
claim to it, nor have any thereto, nor expended their 
moneys, unless to molest their neighbours of their just 
rights and settlements ; for we are all the king's sub- 
jects, and his majesty takes equal care of all his sub- 
jects, although diverse governments. Thus may be seen, 
the colony of Rhode Island makes no claim to this soil 
according to his majesty's command ; but, like the man 
that would a-begged the ship of war, to which the king 
made that reply, it was not his to give — for though 
it was called the king's ship, the subjects' money paid 
for it— so the king never intended to give away any 
one subjects' right to another, because he did not live 
in the same colony where his lands was. 

And afterwards, in the year 1682, the assembly of 
Rhode Island declares they will not meddle with the 
title or propriety of those lands in the Narragansett 
country in difference, and commands obedience to be 
given to his majesty's letter in the year 1678 — 9. The 
second address was by Connecticut, who sent their 
agent, Mr. William Harris, fully empowered and in- 
structed to present their rights of claims ; but the said 
Harris, being by the Algerines taken and carried in 
Algiers, lost all his papers and writings, and was de- 
prived of his liberty to make application to his majesty 
on their behalf that employed him ; which being known 
at Whitehall, there was a stop put to any further 
proceedings for some time, as per Mr. Blaithvvait's 
letter to the government of Rhode Island, dated June, 
1680, appears. Lastly, Major Atherton's partners and 
associates made their humble addresses to his majesty, 
declaring their rights to great part of the soil of the 

226 History of the Narraganset Country. 

country, and therein answers some objections, and ren- 
dered many reasons for their assertions, and was pre- 
sented in 1681. No other address being made and 
presented to his majesty for claim of soil, and their 
application being made according to his majesty's com- 
mand, his majesty, to cause impartial justice to be done 
amongst his subjects here inhabiting, which could not 
be so well understood at a distance, it being so great to 
bring all their claims, caused a commission to be drawn 
and sent to Mr. Edward Cranfield, Mr. William Stough- 
ton, Mr. Edward Randolph, Mr. Nathaniel Saltonstall, 
and others, empowering them to examine and inquire 
into the several titles and pretensions, as well of his 
majesty, as of all other persons whatever, to the juris- 
diction, government and propriety of the soil, of or 
within the King's Province, so called, or the Narragansett 
country, as may be seen and appear by their commission 
at large — a copy of which commission was presented at 
Newport by the said Cranfield to some in government 
then, and before several still living witnesses thereof — and 
printed briefs, dispersed throughout all the colonies, to 
let all people be acquainted of their power, and the day 
they appointed for a meeting in the Narragansett coun- 
try, according to their commission ; which publick 
declaration in print was dated July 19th, 1683, and 
therein the place and day appointed. Upon convening 
at Mr. Richard Smith's house at Narragansett, and 
receiving such information as was presented them, and 
claims of land before them, by them at that time ad- 
journed to Boston from thence, and sent forth a strict 
summons to Major John Green, and Capt. Holden to 
give in evidence pursuant to their information given his 
majesty in council at Whitehall, but they never appear- 
ed. Thus, after they had perused all instrument of 
claims and petitions of right of particular persons, where 
also was presented to them a printed book, containing 
a deed, bearing date April 19th, 1644, being the sub- 
jection of two sachems, Pissacus and Cononicus, of them- 
selves and lands to the king, to the care, protection and 

History of the Narraganset Country. 227 

government of King Charles the First, of blessed memo 
ry. Whereupon, hearing the whole matter that was 
presented to them, the commissioners made a report 
to his majesty in favour of the purchases, and partners 
with Major Atherton, to the soil of the said country, as 
may be seen by their report at large, dated October 20th, 
1683, and was sent home and presented to his majesty. 
His majesty, having seen and heard the report, he then 
declares and makes known his pleasure concerning the 
government and settling the province, and puts a final 
issue and determination to the temporary orders of his 
commissioners, and in 1664 [?] grants a commission to 
President Joseph Dudley, dated October, 1685, to take 
possession of the government of the Massachusetts, 
Maine, New Hampshire and the King's Province of the 
Narragansett, and in the commission fully empowered to 
settle all titles and all controversies, both relating to 
both the king and subjects. Whereupon President Dud- 
ley took possession of the several governments above 
expressed, and in particular came into the Narragansett 
country or King's Province, established officers and 
courts of judicature, as may be seen by the records 
thereof; and did choose a committee to examine the 
rights, titles and pretensions of the partners of Mr. 
Atherton to the soil of the said land, and, upon report of 
the said committee, allowed and confirmed their grants, 
deeds and purchases ; and these things may be seen in 
the book of records per Edward Randolph, being 
secretary by commission, all persons then concerned 
yielding obedience ; and the colony of Rhode Island and 
Providence plantations empowered Major John Cogge- 
shall and Mr. Walter Newbery to see the president's 
power, who not only had a sight thereof, but had a 
copy also. Whereupon Major John Green sent the 
secretary a copy of the bounds of the King's Province, 
as himself and others of the government of Rhode 
Island had stated it, Anno 1669; but what power 
he had so to do, I know not, without it was to give 
away a part of our colony ; for the charter never gave 

228 History of the Narraganset Country. 

them any such power, neither did the king's commis- 
sioners, in 1664, give any power or government to the 
assembly or to the governour and council, but did order 
and appoint the governour, deputy governour and 
assistants to be justices of the peace throughout the 
King's Province. And thus did they run into confusion, 
not minding, if they break one limb of our charter, the 
other part may continue lame till it hops away also. 
After this, many of the inhabitants of Greenwich, alias 
Depeford, make their application to Major Smith, he 
being a justice of the peace, for the settlement of them 
in their lands, as by their letter and petition, dated 
November, 1686, still to be seen. Whereupon there 
was an agreement compounded on between them ; and 
then, soon after, came Sir Edmund Andross, and took 
the government under him, and the country remained 
under his government some years; and since Rhode 
Island have assumed the government of said country, 
and now within these kw years, the government have 
let several villains and notorious fellows, who have fled, 
some of them, from other colonies, to settle on the lands, 
being some of them that hath fled from the hand of 
justice, and the true owners and proprietors thereof 
they have threatened the jail, for only claiming their 
right, and endeavouring to persuade them in the govern- 
ment to observe the law, and let equal justice be done. 
This is a small part of the trouble, that many have 
waded through by the means of some persons that have 
been, and now are in government, whose opinion and 
principles are, that men may do what they will in this 
world, it is no sin against God. 

[The writer of this tract is unknown. It is preserved by Trum- 
bull in the 19th vol. of his MSS. but evidently appears a modern 
copy by a hand not much skilled in orthography. Ed] 

Letter of John Ilaynes. 229 

Letter of John Haynes to John Winthrop. 

Worthy Sir, 

1 WAS right glad of any opportunity of hearing from 
you in this silent time of winter. The messenger 
you sent by only left your letter at Agawam, or 
Springfield, from whence it came to my hands ; but 
the party himself was not yet with me, but if he repairs 
to me, I shall follow your advice in that thing you men- 
tioned concerning Anogamey ; for he is not any con- 
federate friend of ours. That the express, that Onkus 
should take wampham of the Narragansetts for Myan- 
tonimo's ransom, (which I have understood also from 
Mr. Eaton,) I cannot but concur with you, if really it 
appears so, equity and justice calls for no less ; but this 
I must needs say, that this very thing was cast abroad 
by some Indians of the Narragansett party, and myself 
coming to understand it somewhat before Myantonimo 
his death, both myself and Capt. Mason strictly examined 
Onkus concerning the matter, acquainting him with 
what we heard. He utterly denied, that he had taken 
wampham or any other thing upon any such terms. 
He confessed, indeed, he had wampham and other things 
given him and his brother freely ; and he as freely 
promised to bring him to the English, which he said he 
had performed ; and this I also know, that the same day 
that Myantonimo was delivered into our hands and 
imprisoned, that Onkus and his brother? with many of 
their men, were at that place where he was committed, 
myself and Capt. Mason then present also. Onkus 
desired him to speak before us all ; and this Myantoni- 
mo did then utter and confess, that the Mohegan sa- 
chems had dealt nobly with him in sparing his life, when 
they took him, and performing their promise in bringing 
him to the English, (a thing the like he never knew or 


230 Letter of John Haynes. 

heard of, that so great a sachem should be so dealt 
withal,) although he himself pressed it upon them, again 
and again, (as they all could witness,) to slay him ; butthey 
said, No, but you shall be carried to the English ; which 
therefore, if it should prove other upon due trial, I should 
marvel much ; for his own confession, I should think, 
goes far in the case ; but I leave it to further considera- 
tion and better judgments. I have not since spoke with 
him since I received that from you, but I shall by the 
first opportunity. The Narragansetts, I fear, notwith- 
standing their fair promises and pretences, will not sit 
down quiet, as you suppose. (Mr. Pincheon thinks the 
same also with me,) from whom I lately heard. 

The evidence to the contrary are these two, which is 
manifestly known. First ; they have sent a very great 
present to the Mowhawkes. Secondly ; those Pequots, 
that were under the Niantick and Narragansett sachems, 
have lately slain a sachem squa that belonged to 
Onkus. He sent lately a messenger to us to signify the 
same, desiring he may have the aid of the English 
against them, as conceiving, by what was read to him, 
that was agreed upon and sent for that purpose from 
the commissioners, gave him hope of aid, if the Narra- 
gansetts should fall upon him again ; which he desired 
yourself and the rest of the English sachems should be 
made acquainted withal, that he might understand their 
pleasure. You may be pleased to return your answer, 
for I promised to acquaint you with it. 

There is late news by a vessel that came to the 
Dutch, and from them to New Haven, by Mr. Allerton. j 
The substance this ; that there hath been a great battle 
betwixt the king's and parliament's forces, (since that of 
Newbery,) at Ailsborow in Buckinghamshire, wherein the 
parliament forces prevailed, pursuing their victory with 
very great slaughter of the adverse party. Also, that I 
the fleet is again out under that noble Earl of Warwick, , 
who came lately into the harbour of some great town 
held by the contrary party full sail with his fleet, both 
by block-houses and castles, and lands his men, takes 

Memorial of Jeremiah Dummer. 231 

the town, sets many prisoners at liberty. (The town's 

i name I heard not.) I leave the truth of the report to be 

| judged of by you, only latest letters give some probable 

I conjectures of the possibility thereof. It was said, there 

was much sadness in Holland about it ; but we received 

no letters from thence. I am sorry to hear of Mr. 

Dudley his cause of sorrow and heaviness. I shall add 

no more, only due respect to yourself; mine with my 

wife's to Mrs. Winthrop ; desiring to be remembered also 

to Mr. Dudley, Mr. Cotton, Mr. Wilson, I rest yours, 

to his power, 


Hartford, the llth 11, '43. 

In the catalogue sent to Mr. Eaton, &c. some of those 
things Myantonimo confessed he freely gave him ; other 
he took with him, when he apprehended him as due 
prize. For the remainder, we shall hear what Onkus 
can say to it, &c. 

To the Right Worshipful, his much honoured ^ 
Friend, John Winthrop, Esq. Governour of ( 
the Jurisdiction of the Mattatusetts, these C 
present. ) 

[This letter of Gov. John Haynes, besides its intrinsick impor- 
tance, seemed to have a claim on the Editors for publication, as 
being the only known composition of that distinguished man. The 
original is preserved in the 19th volume of Trumbull MSS. Ed.] 

A Memorial, shewing that the French Possessions 
on the River of Canada do originally and of 
right belong to the crown of great britain, 
and for other important reasons ought to be 
restored to the said crown on a treaty of 

X HE whole tract of land, situate on either side of 
the River of Canada, called Nova Francia and L'Acadie, 
was first discovered by Sebastian Cabot and his son in 

232 Memorial of Jeremiah Dummer. 

the reign of Henry the Seventh, king of England, which 
discovery was prior to that of Johannes Verrazanus, a 
Florentine, under Francis the First of France, and accord- 
ingly was under the power and jurisdiction of the crown 
of England until the year 1600, when some of the 
French, invited by the trafflck on the River of St. Law- 
rence, seized first on the north side of the river called 
Canada or Nova Francia, and afterwards, in 1606, did 
possess themselves of the south side, L'Acadia. 

In the year 1621, King James, looking upon their 
possessions as an invasion of his territories, did, by letters 
patent, grant unto Sir William Alexander (afterwards 
earl of Sterling) L'Acadie, by the name of Nova Scotia, 
who, in 1622 — 23, subdued the French inhabitants, 
carried them prisoners to Virginia, planted a colony 
there himself, and held possession of it a two years, 
when, upon the marriage of King Charles the First 
with the lady Henrietta Maria, the said Nova Scotia 
was, by order of the king, returned into the hands of 
the French. 

Afterwards, a war rising between the kings of Eng- 
land and France, Sir David Kirk, with his friends, did, 
in 1627 — 28, by virtue of a commission obtained from 
his majesty, send to sea, at their own charge, nine ships, 
fitted with warlike stores, to expel the French from 
both sides of said River of Canada; in which enterprise 
they had success, so that, after bringing off the French 
inhabitants and traders into England, they took pos- 
session of all Nova Francia, or Canada, and L'Acadie, 
the former of which fell to Sir David Kirk, who was 
governour of Quebeck, and set up the king of England's 
arms in all places of publick resort in the city ; the 
latter fell to Sir William Alexander ; 

In 1632, a peace being concluded between the two 
crowns, it was agreed, that the forts on the said French 
settlement should be delivered to the subjects of France, 
the French king, on his part, stipulating to pay, in lieu 
thereof, to Sir David Kirk, five thousand pounds ster- 
ling, which sum does nevertheless remain unpaid to this 

Memorial of Jeremiah Dummer. 233 

day, although the forts were delivered up, as per 

In 1633 King Charles, considering he had only sur- 
rendered the forts, but had not debarred his subjects 
from planting and trading there, did grant a commission 
to Sir Lewis Kirk and company to trade and settle 
there, which accordingly they attempted, but were 
plundered and made prisoners by the French. 

In 1654 Cromwell, weighing the premises, and in 
consideration that the articles were not performed on the 
French king's part, sent one Sedgwick, who assaulted 
and subdued the French on that settlement, and restored 
the country into the hands of the English ; and although 
a peace between the two nations was settled in 1655, 
and the French ambassadour made pressing instances for 
the restoration of that country, yet it was not delivered 
up, but remained under the jurisdiction of England. 

Yet, after the restoration, ('tis not easy to say how, or 
on what account,) the French were permitted to re-enter, 
and do yet hold the unjust possession of it. 

From the premises it seems manifest, that the French 
territories on that part of the continent of America do 
originally and of right belong to the crown of Great 
Britain, which is however submitted to better judgments. 
In the mean time it is humbly remonstrated, — 

That the French, by their unwearied industry, and 
many artful methods, gain ground continually, by 
making new alliances with the Indian nations,* on the 
back side of New York and Virginia, so in a little time 
they will become formidable to the English settlements : 

That by intermarrying with the natives ; by having 
always a great number of Jesuits and priests with them ; 
and by instructing them, that the Saviour of the world 
was a Frenchman and murdered by the English ; they 
I are excited to commit all manner of cruelties upon the 
English as meritorious ; — and particularly about twelve 
imonths since, the French and savages made a descent 

* Viz the Hurons and Illinois, &c. as may be seen by Monsieur De La 
I Salle's Voyages. 


234 Memorial of Jeremiah Dumrner. 

upon a considerable town in the province of the Massa- 
chusetts, and there barbarously killed the colonel of the 
militia, and minister of the town, with many others of 
lesser note, notwithstanding the extraordinary precau- 
tions, which his excellency, Col. Dudley, had taken to 
prevent it : 

That, by means hereof, the best part of New England, 
the Eastern Country, is entirely abandoned and left 
desolate : 

That the whole trade of New England, out and home, 
is very much awed and dampt, especially by L'Acadie, 
the capital of that place (Port Royal) being a nest of 
privateers and a Dunkirk to New England : 

That the mast trade is endangered, many persons 
having been surprised and murdered whilst cutting 
masts for the supply of the town : 

Lastly, that this country they possess is very proper 
and apt to yield all naval stores, and has the best fishery 
in the world on its coasts ; so that the French king may 
resign up all Newfoundland, and we not obtain our end, 
whilst L'Acadie is left them, which will supply France 
and the Straits with fish notwithstanding. 

Upon the whole, it is humbly moved, that this country 
may be demanded at the next treaty of peace, at least 
the south side of the river, which, being New Scotland, 
and adjoining to New England, may be united to it by 
the name of New Britain, after the great example of 
England and Scotland, that the Union may, in all parts, 
be complete and entire in her present majesty's most 
happy and glorious reign. 

London, September \Wi, 1709, 

This memorial is humbly laid before the government 

This is a copy of what I delivered to my Lord Trea- 
surer at Windsor, and to my Lord Halifax and my Lord 
Sunderland, &c. 

J. D. 

Letters of Henry Jacie. 235 

Letters of Henry Jacie to John Winthrop, J 


[The three letters following are from a celebrated Puritan minister, 
mentioned by Wood in his Athenae, and by Crosby in his History 
of the Baptists, who have mistaken the spelling of the author's 
name, while they preserve its sound. See Vol. I. 165, 168, of our 
Second Series. They afford a representation of the treatment 
received from the bishops not less graphical than interesting ; and, 
referring to some who were driven to New England, have been 
thought worth transcription from the originals. Ed.] 

Kind Sir, 

1 HUMBLY salute you and yours in the Lord. 

We eagerly covet to hear of your safe arrival, yours 
with your good company, for we have good hope, that 
we shall hear well when it shall be, (it may be before 
your receipt hereof,) both in regard you were guarded 
with so many prayers and so many angels, (as, if you 
had heard and seen, would much have rejoiced you, and 
so may do in greatest perplexities you have been, are, 
or may be in ;) and also we hear this day from Mr. 
Huison, (at London stone,) that some that came lately 
from your coasts saw your ship com'd within three days' 
sail of your desired haven, it would be very acceptable 
to this house, if you writ to some of them, and if you 
pleased to send over also some of your Indian creatures 
alive, when you may best, as one brought over a squirrel 
to Bures, another some other creature, one a rattlesnake 
skin with the rattle. 

I have herewith sent to John Sanford a note of the 
winds ever since [you] went till after your arrival in 
New England, the pattern whereof I sent before your 
going to John Sanford, desiring his noting also. I pray 
you desire him to send back a copy of his, that so we 
may compare (for I have a copy of this) how they agree 
or disagree. 1 have not time now to write to him, no 
not to your worthy father the governour, nor to Mrs. 

236 Letters of Henry Jacie. 

Winthrop, nor others, to whom I would gladly. I pray 
you excuse me to them. 

The affairs beyond sea in Germany are almost be- 
yond credit, how so weak a king as Sweden should go 
on and prosper and subdue still so much against the 
mighty emperour and Spain's forces, maugre all their 
malice and their holy father's curses. Our affairs at 
home are almost as lamentable, as I have writ (and want 
time to rehearse) to goodman Firmin and goodman 
Child. The plague having been lately at Colchester, the 
bishop's visit was propria persona at Keldon, where 
with much gravity and severity he inveighed against the 
pride in the ministry, that they must have their plush and 
satin, and their silken cassocks, and their bandstrings 
with knops; if every knot had a bell at it, it would be a 
goodly show ; saying, if any would inform him of abuses 
in the ministry by drinking, &c. he w T ould severely cen- 
sure them. Mr. Cook there being commanded to attend 
him in his chamber, got a black riband to his ruff, which 
he so played upon, O what a show it would make, if it 
were of carnation or purple, &c. He was very pleasant 
thus sometimes. By both which he drew the most peo- 
ple to admire him, and applaud his proceedings. There 
he excommunicated Mr. Weld, who had been suspended 
above a month ; and requiring Mr. Rogers of Dedham 
to subscribe there, (no law nor canon so requires, I take 
it,) he refused. He told how he had borne with him, 
and showed how he must needs suspend him, and so 
proceed, if he reformed not, to do all according to canon 
— after a month to excommunicate him, and then after 
a month to deprive him of the ministry, (so lying open 
also to a writ of excommunicato capiendo,) as was read 
in the canon. Mr. Rogers said, if he would rather now 
put him by for altogether. He said, no, he would pro- 
ceed according to law. So suspended him. Mr. Shep- 
herd he charged to be gone out of his diocess, as one 
that kept conventicles. 

Colchester men would have had his admission of Mr. 
Bridges of Emanuel for their lecturer in Mr. Maiden's 

Letters of Henry Jacie. 237 

stead. He was angry, and said, When you want one, 
you must go first to Dr. Gouge and to Dr. Sibs, and 
then you come to me ; 1 scorn to be so used ; I'll never 
have him to lecture in my diocess, that will spew in the 
pulpit : (it seems, he had preached on this — 1 will spew 
thee out of my mouth.) 

At Braintree (whither he went thence) Mr. Whar- 
ton, Mr. Marshall and Mr. Bruer and others were spoke 
to, after the bishop had looked in his book, opening it 
before them. He first commended them for parts, and 
pains, and their lives, and then charged them with non- 
conformity. All denied it. Mr. Marshall said, he was 
misinformed. Aye, but, said he, do you conform always ? 
He answered, he did sometimes, but not always ; he was 
much employed in preaching and in catechising the 
youth. The bishop answered, Your preaching 1 like 
well, and your catechising wondrous well ; but 1 mis- 
like your answers, (which he spake angerly.) You wear 
the surplice sometimes, and then you lay it aside from 
you for a long time, and what say your people then ? 

These good men cannot abide these ceremonies ; and, 
if they might, they would never use them. But to avoid 
the persecution of these bishops, that would fetch them 
up to the High Commission, therefore these good men 
are fain to stoop to them sometimes. Thus they will 
say, &c. So, enjoining them to conform, and seek the 
peace of the church, they escaped. Mr. Car of Twin- 
steed being called, Mr. Allen stood up and said, (trem- 
bling as he spake, as he did at Bury, when he informed 
against his Sudbury people, sitting with heels as high as 
their head,) that many of his people of Sudbury were 
entertained by him, &c. The bishop took him up there- 
fore sharply, if he admitted any to the communion not 
of his own parish ; or if any such came to hear him, and 
he forbad them not, he would take a course with him. 

He said he hoped to join with his brother of Norwich 

I for reformation there also. Now York being dead (on 

whose tomb he appointed should be indelibly engraven, 

Hie jacet Samuelis Harsnet, quondam vixit indignus 

233 Letters of Henry Jacie. 

Episcopus Cesistrensis, indignior Norvicensis, indignissi- 
mus Eboracensis, in his will, therein protesting against 
the Genevensians) Winchester Dr. Neile to York, Dur- 
ham to Winchester, Coventry and Litchfield, Dr. Morton 
to Durham, Rochester Dr. Bowles to Coventry, our 
Norwich Dr. White to Ely, who is dead, Oxford Dr. 
Corbet to Norwich, that Rev. Dr. Linsel to Rochester 
or Oxford. 

The king's attorney, Sir Ro. Heath, is removed ; Mr. 
Noy is put by the king into his place, who is very just 

in it. 'Tis said W for his book laid him down 

about five or seven or eight pieces. He asked what he 
meant ; 205. was due, and would no more. Some used 
to pay <£5, I think. And hearing his man scraping with 
his foot at the door, he came and asked what he gave 
him. He told, a piece. He answered, 2s. was his due ; 
he should have no more. 

But I forget myself; 'tis near one o'clock ; I must bid 
you a good night. Yet a word more with you, before 
I take my leave ; for I know not when I shall talk with 
you thus again. Where I left before. Mr. Nat. Ward 
being called, whose silencing was expected, and charged 
with rejecting the ceremonies and common prayer book, 
he answered, (as 'tis said,) There is one thing, I con- 
fess, I stick at — how I may say, for any that die in sure 


&c. Upon this the bishop, to resolve him, made a 
large explication, and so he escaped then. Mr. Weld, 
after excommunication, coming into a church where the 
bishop was visiting, the bishop spied him and called him 
and asked him, if he were on this side New England, 
and then if he were not excommunicated. He said, Yes. 
And why here, then ? He hoped he had not offended. 
But he would make him an example to all such. Take 
him, pursuivant. The pursuivant called Mr. Shepherd, 
and said he would rather have Shepherd ; but he es- 
caped, and Mr. Weld by a bond of one hundred marks 
—others bound with him — and so fled to Bergen, 

Letters of Henry Jacie. 239 

Either he or Mr. Hooker was abated £40 in the forfei- 

Mr. Bruer the last term had twenty-two articles 
against him, and six or seven additionals — these devised 
by Ja. Allen, as Mr. Bruer's late sexton confesseth in 
anguish of conscience. I would write more, as I could 
write too much, such as I joy not in writing; but you 
more safely hear, than I write it. 

I beseech you, Sir, consider our condition, and pro- 
voke others to it, some in the general, for some would 
make the worst of things, to your disparagement, though 
'tis more their own shame. Accept of what I have 
writ, in scribbling after midnight ; haste, and let me hear 
of your receipt hereof, and of your welfare, and yours 
and all your liking of the country, as you may. The 
Lord, our good God and gracious Father, be with you 
all, as he will be with all his in Christ, in whose arms 
and sweet embracings, though tost in afflictions, I leave 
you, resting, at your service, to be used in him, 


January 9, 1631. 

My brother Thomas desires to hear, whether Mr. 
Winthrop the governour have employment for him ; he 
is yet willing to come, if he may do him service. He 
can shoot well, and is content to endure what he can, 
and to work, &c. if it may be for his bettering in outward 
estate. Methinks I repent I have writ aught about 
him, for I would not have him to cumber you. John 
Sanford knows my mind about him. I pray you desire 
him to write to me, with the note of winds. 

If I can, I will send you herewith a book of the 
Morning Star, 'tis called, of that great star, 1572, in 
the north, (in 63 of latitude, and, I think, 53 of longi- 
i tude, which is Finland, of which Sweden is the great 
prince,) which Tycho Brahe, in his spiritual book on 
that star, page 800 and so forward, shows not to be an 
ordinary comet, but a new star, the forerunner of happy 
changes to the churches, especially beginning about 

240 Letters of Henry Jacie. 

1632, as he calculates, from one that should come from 
such a place of longitude and latitude, applying it to 
the king of Sweden. 

In this book he stands not so on the anagram, Gusta- 
vus, Augustus, nor that saying, that,~'tis said, appals the 
emperour's wise men, Te debellavit adversus deus ; 
why or how Deus, 'tis said Sued, and relates many 
passages of the late victories. 

To his very worthy and much respected Friend, ~) 
Mr. John Winthrop, Jun. Son to the right wor- \ 
thy Governour of New England, at Boston, { 
there these he d'd with a Book. 

Leave these with Mr. Huison,* at London Stone 
whom I desire to convey safely. 

Received bv Mr. Wilson. 

Good Sir, 

I salute you in the Lord. 

Hearing that as yet the ship towards New England 
is not yet set forth, I adventure, this third week, to send 
some thither, having sent one letter to you, and another 
with a packet to the worthy governour, the two last 
weeks, to be conveyed by Mr. Huson.* 

Since my last week's letters we hear it's questioned 
whether Cologne have yielded to pay £300,000, yea, 
whether it have yielded ; though we hear it confirmed, 
that Mentz hath, (I mean to that renowned instrument 
of God, the king of Sweden,) and Oppenheim and 
Worms and Creutznach ; and also that he hath taken 
Frankendel, where is a strong castle, and it was strong- 
ly fortified. We hear he lost about four thousand men 

We hear, the Spanish ambassadour, being at Rome, 
affirmed that the king of France had assisted the king of 
Sweden, which, though the French ambassadour there 

* [The name is spelt both ways by this writer. Ec] 

Letters of Henry Jacie. 241 

denied that he knew any such thing, the cardinals 
would needs have the pope excommunicate the French 
king. But he would not, till he might see it further 
proved, and that king answer for himself. Hereupon, 
'tis said, was a great faction there ; insomuch that the 
pope fled to a strong hold in France. 'Tis said so. 

A book of the Northern Star (by Dr. Goad) was sent 
you to go herewith. There are now added to that book 
in print verses in Latin, (two or three leaves,) dedicated 
to our king, by Mr. Gill, jun. in London, bachelor in di- 
vinity, in commendation of the king of Sweden's pro- 
ceedings, relating part, and encouraging our king in 
assisting that way. We have heard of some exploit 
done by the Marquis Hamilton. Magdenburgh, that 
was cruelly used by Tilly's forces, and a great part of 
it burnt, (for which we hear was solemn procession in 
Hungaria by the Jesuits' procurement, and casting the 
pictures of Luther, Calvin and Beza into a pit with fire, 
which they called hell, when suddenly God sent such 
thunder and lightning, that killed three or four hundred 
that day or the next, as we heard,) we hear it's now 
besieged by the Duke of Saxony's forces, who joined 
with Sweden, about September 6, near Leipsick. Bo- 
hemia and Moravia is subdued by them for the most 
part, (many countrymen revolting from the emperour to 
them.) Mr. Harrison of Sudbury molested by means of 
Mr. Allen, Mr. Warren, Mr. Smith of Caundish, and 
Mr. Steward (the most favourable) sate in commission 
about him, and now, by his conforming more than ever 
he did, he yet preacheth at Sudbury. 

Sir Arthur Herries of Essex was buried about the 
8th of January instant, for whom Dr. Aylot made many 
English verses, which are much applauded, expressing 
his life beyond sea and here, his two wives and twelve 
children, his faithfulness to the country and king, &c. 
Mr. Hudson of Capel is departed, and his brother is in 
his stead, as 1 have writ. I pray you, good Sir, let me 
have exchange of news from you, of your commodities 
and discoveries, &x. 


242 Letters of Henry Jacie. 

Your good company is remembered at table here in 
drinking, oft in a week, besides more solemnly. We 
hear you do not drink one to another ; therefore not to 
us ; but remember us in a more serious sort. Remem- 
ber us still, for this land and corner have great need. 
The grace of our God be with you all. 

Yours in him to use, 

H. J. 

Assington, January 23, 1631. 

To his worthy good Friend, Mr. John Winthrop, Jun. 
in New England, these be d'd. 

The Lord make his face shine upon you, and be 
gracious to you and to the whole plantation, and grant 
you peace in Christ Jesus. 

Kind Sir, 

I received your loving letter, bearing date July 
4, 1632, by goodman Bruise of Boxford, (who came 
safely from your coasts to ours, he said, in three weeks 
and three days.) I humbly thank you for your so large 
relations of your affairs therein. Whereas both you and 
that right worthy governour had wished my further- 
ance to boys and young maids of good towardness, for 
your service, I have inquired, and found out some few. 
But they desiring some knowledge of their maintenance, 
and good conveyance, &c. I spake to Mr. Gosling, who 
could say nothing in it, but would inquire of Mr. Down- 
ing ; and afterward he said Mr. Downing would under- 
take for no more but a boy and a maid or two for Mr. 
Governour, but no more. I pray you therefore, good 
Sir, write over to either of them, that there may be good 
satisfaction in these following particulars, and I shall not 
be wanting in endeavours for your best furtherance, viz. 
What shall be the most of their employment there, 
whether dairy, washing, &x. and what should be their 

Letters of Henry Jacie. 243 

wages, and for how many years tied, whether apparel 
found, who should provide for their shipping over, their 
journey thither, their diet while they stay for the wind 
or ship's setting forth, and provision in the ship, besides 
ship diet, (for, 'tis said, that must be, or it will go very 
ill with them.) 

She that was Mary Bird, of late the wife of goodman 
Bigsby of Hadleigh, now a good widow, being poor, 
(whom Mr. Governour knows,) desires, if she could, to 
come to you herself, and she would gladly have her 
two daughters, the one about sixteen years old, well 
disposed, I hear, the other younger, to serve Mrs. Win- 
throp the elder, or you. So a maid or two about 
Assington, and some others. Goodman Choat with his 
wife, and goodman Bowhan, (such a name,) an honest, 
simple, poor man, a locksmith of Sudbury, and goodman 

! Bacon, with his good wife, of Boxford, (having divers 
young children,) desire to have their service humbly re- 
membered to Mr. Governour, and desire his kind remem- 
brance of them, to pity their poor condition here, and, 
when he can, to send for them, as it pleased him to say 

! he would. They are filled with the contempt of the 

j proud, and their spirits are ready to sink and fail in 

I them. 

I send you herewith a note of the judgment of a 
goldsmith in Norwich, my good friend, concerning that 
little thick piece, which is in it, and another less piece, 
which he returned to me, (I having had them of one 
that had them from N. E. and thought them better 

i metal than he judges,) with other glassy pieces of that 
which he counts to be of the same metal, whereby you 
may better judge of the same ore, if you see the like, 
and not count it better than it is. 

I have now received another letter from you. I thank 
you kindly for it. In it you mention your readiness to 

i have observed that eclipse, that I (with Mr. Milburne) 
writ about, but the cloudiness hindered. But you have 
writ the calculation of another, about which, as soon as 
I can, I shall send to the said Mr. Milburne, that you 

244 Letters of Henry Jacie. 

may have his calculations also, and judgment of the 
same. I was gone down to Yorkshire, when your last 
letter came to Suffolk, being writ to and desired to come 
to a place there, about nine miles S. S. E. from York. 
It's called Aughton, where a godly minister was lately 
for about twelve or fourteen years ; and I conceive, as 
my Christian friends do also, that God hath called me 
to go thither, where now 1 am, but not certain how long 
I shall have freedom to be here. Arminianism doth 
much spread, especially in York. (Bishop Neale is now 
their archbishop, and Dr. Cousins, dean.) Command 
is given in York, 'tis said, from the king's majesty, 
that the chancels be kept neat and comely ; therefore 
the seats to be removed thence into the body of the 
church (as it's enjoined at Hull and Beverley by Dr. 
Cousins.) Much renewing old customs, setting tables 
altarwise, genuflexiones ad nomen Jesu, solemn pro- 
cessions, (as 'tis called,) observing Wednesday and i 
Friday prayers, and other such things, that are counted 
most for order and decency, and keeping unity in con- 
formity in all such things in the church. Popery much 
increaseth. In many places in Yorkshire are swarms of 
Papists. In Durham county and Northumberland many 
are known to go as openly to a mass, (where such and 
such are famed to be priests,) as others to a sermon. 
Many Papists grow very insolent to boast over Protes- 
tants thereabouts. O pray for us, that God would root 
out all idolatry and superstition, and every plant that 
he hath not planted, and that he would uphold his gos- 
pel in the power and purity of it, notwithstanding our 
sins, as he yet doth in divers places. I often think I 
shall yet see you again before I die. The Lord direct. 
Our king, in his progress toward Scotland, to be 
crowned there, (and establish conformity, 'tis said, in a 
parliament,) came safely to York on Friday, May 24. 
He is exceeding greatly commended and extolled for 
his courtesy and affableness, and his piety. It was a very 
rainy day, so that he came into York in a coach, and 
sent word afore, he was sorry he could not so come in, 

Letters of Henry Jacie. 245 

that those, that desired to see him, might all see him ; 
and after forbad those, that would keep people from 
crowding to see him and come near him, looking still 
on them with a smiling countenance, and received all 
the petitions were put up to him. After his lighting out 
of his coach, his first work was to go to the minister (the 
bishops of London and York being nearest him) to give 
God thanks, and to pray, &c. As soon as they began 
prayers, he set himself very devoutly to it. He went 
from York on Tuesday, and came to Durham on Satur- 
day, June 1, on Monday to Newcastle, (for he always 
rests the Lord's day,) intending to be, the next Lord's 
day, (being our Whitsunday,) at Edinburgh, viz. June 9. 
I pray you, dear Sir, be not offended, that you had 
no letter from me of so long a time ; (the like I desire 
of the worthy governour and others with you ;) for, 
though I began this letter to you soon after my receipt 
of yours dated July 4, yet have 1 been hindered till now 
from finishing it by manifold urgent occasions. The 
Lord be with you, and prosper you and all your good 
designs in that so hopeful plantation. Thus, desiring 
the remembrance of my best respect and Christian ser- 
vice and duty of love to that much honoured governour 
and his dearest helper, and to your worship with yours 
and your two sisters, and to Mr. and Mrs. Wilson, and 
Mr. and Mrs. Weld, and Mr. Phillips, also to Mr. Dil- 
lingham of Rocksbury, and Mr. Coddington, to Ephraim 
Child, John Firmin, &c. desiring all your prayers to 
him, that holds the stars in his right hand, and is the 
Sun and Shield of his people, I humbly commend you 
I all to him, remaining 

Your constant friend and co-petitioner 
at the throne of grace, 


! Aughton, in Yorkshire, June 12, 1633. 


Although I be removed, yet I entreat you, and other 
j my friends with you, to write back to me, and direct 


246 Connecticut Address of Condolence. 

your letters thus : To H. Jacie, minister at Aughton in 
Yorkshire. Leave them with Mr. Downing, to be given 
to Mr. Overton, stationer, to send by York carriers to 
Mr. Hodshon, mercer, in Ousegate, to be delivered as 
aforesaid. So it may be safe. 

To the Right Worshipful his much respected ) 
good Friend, Mr. John Winthrop, Jun. Esq, ( 
Son to the right worthy Governour of New C 
England, these. s 

Address of Condolence to Gov. Talcott of Con- 
necticut, and his Answer. 

[We have extracted from the 19th volume of Trumbull Papers the 
address of condolence to Gov. Talcott on the death of his wife r 
with his answer, which do equal honour to both parties. Ed.] 

May it please your Honour, 

W E, the representatives of the colony of Connecticut, 
in general court assembled, humbly take leave, with 
one heart and mind, to address your honour under the 
sore and awful rebuke of the Almighty, who has, by his 
holy and wise providence, removed from you that dear- 
est part of yourself, the desire of your eyes and the 
greatest comfort of your life, by a sudden and unexpect- 
ed death, and to let your honour know, that we esteem 
ourselves sharers in your loss, and afflicted by your 
affliction, and that we do affectionately condole your 
honour's lonely and widowed state, and desire, with 
your honour, to take notice of the divine rebuke, and to 
quiet ourselves with the consideration, that the Almighty 
Lord of Hosts, all whose works are done in truth, hath 
done it, and would not complain of, but mourn under a 
sense of the heavy stroke of his holy hand ; especially 
when we consider the subject of our present mournful 
meditations in the relation of a worthy consort to your 
honour, or that of a mother, a mistress, a Christian 

Connecticut Address of Condolence. 247 

friend or neighbour, in all which we should fall short of 
doing justice to her memory, if we should fail of pro- 
nouncing her to be virtuous, affable, tender, kind, pious, 
charitable and beneficent. 

And, considering the removal of a person so truly 
great and amiable, so near to your honour, and by so 
sudden and surprising a stroke, we cannot wonder to see 
your honour so covered with sorrow, and so tenderly 
bewailing a loss so truly great, nor censure ourselves, 
that we have mingled our tears with your honour's on 
so solemn and mournful an occasion ; but rather admire 
that greatness and presence of mind, which your honour 
discovered, when you appeared at the council board, at 
the head of this legislature, managing the important 
affairs of this colony, in so few hours after so heavy a 
stroke, which has so manifestly discovered, not only that 
your honour's heart and hopes were supported from 
views above the best enjoyments here, but also that the 
special presence of the Great Governour of the universe 
was then afforded, of which we most thankfully take 

And as we are sharers with your honour under the 
weight of your sorrows and burthens, so we take leave 
to assure your honour, that we willingly bear our parts 
thereof, and should, with the greatest sincerity, rejoice to 
be any ways instrumental in alleviating the same. 

We look on it our duty, and shall endeavour to make 
our addresses to the throne of the Almighty Repairer of 
breaches, that he would sanctify to your honour, your 
family, and to the people under your government, this 
cup of trembling and astonishment ; that he would lift 
on your honour the light of his countenance, and send in 
all needful supplies of his grace ; that your life, which is 
so valuable and precious to us, may be rendered, in every 
respect, comfortable to yourself; that your honour's 
stability and presence of mind, notwithstanding your 
present afflictions, may be preserved and increased, that 
the great affairs of your government, under their present 
critical circumstances, may be conducted by you with 

248 Charlestown Church Affairs. 

ease, satisfaction and success ; that God would lengthen 
out your honour's life as a lasting blessing to your people. 

To Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen Representatives : 

As every spark adds to the fire, so every fresh 
mention made to me of my departed companion is a 
fresh wound to my bleeding heart ; and upon the sight 
of your address in condolence in the loss of her makes 
such impressions on me, that I cannot express myself, 
nor speak a word, but only, with a trembling heart and 
hand, thankfully acknowledge your kind respects and 
honour done both to the living and the dead. I wish I 
could in a more suitable manner, express myself to you 
on this solemn occasion. I hope that, in consideration of 
my present pressure of grief, you will cover all my infir^ 
mities with a mantle of charity ; for I am, gentlemen, 
yours to serve, in all things that I may, to the utmost of 
my power, 


Charlestown Church Affairs. 

[The following curious papers, relating to a cause of ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction in the early times, are from a large collection of John 
Winthrop, first governour of Connecticut under the charter, and 
of his son, Fitz-John, afterwards governour of the same colony, 
Richards being a brother-in-law of John Winthrop. We hope, 
in a future volume, to present many of these documents. Ed.] 

To the Reverend and Honoured the Elders and Messengers 
of the Churches formed into a Council in Charlestown, 
November 5th, 1678. 

The Reasons of us, who are underwritten, upon which we 
dissent from our Brethren, who have called Mr. Daniel 
Russell unto office in this Church. 

1. JdECAUSE we judge our brethren have been too 
undeliberate, over-hasty and precipitate in their motions 

Charlestown Church Affairs. 249 

for Mr. Russell : For we cannot but suppose it not on- 
ly a rational thing, but even a Christian duty, for a peo- 
ple, bereaved (especially) of so worthy, faithful and able 
a shepherd as it hath pleased God to take from this 
people, to proceed in their seeking of a supply with 
most serious deliberation, choice advice, and earnest and 
frequent supplication to the Lord of the harvest ; that so, 
by these means, they may be directed by him to fix upon 
such a person as may best make up the breach, which 
hath been made upon them. 

But now, our brethren, (after too great a slight cast 
upon the advice of the reverend elders, who, upon our 
application to them for their help in so weighty a case, 
had propounded another person to our consideration,) 
upon the first mention of Mr. Russell, singly and alone, 
were very earnest for a vote to pass in the church, to 
give Mr. Russell a call immediately to the* ministry, in 
order to office, (although they were then told, that, hav- 
ing made one step further (by pitching upon this one per- 
son) than they had done before, when there were several 
propounded and left to their consideration, it was now 
their way seriously to consider and deliberate, to advise 
and seek God, that so they might, by this means, come to 
discern whether it were the mind of God, that he whom 
they had now, so many of them, (though the major part 
had not yet declared themselves,) concentred in, should 
be the person to be settled among us, yet) they mani- 
fested how much they were troubled at us, that we could 
not concur with them for such a sudden vote ; which 
being unexpected by us, we did not then, nor yet can 
see that there was reason for us so to do. And further, 
we may add, that, although they were called upon from 
the pulpit, by one in high esteem in this land, to be 
willing to take advice in a matter of this moment, yet, 
the very next day after this exhortation, they came to- 
gether and passed their vote. 

Wherefore, our brethren thus neglecting what the na- 
ture of so weighty a business called for, not regarding 
the seasonable motion of their brethren, and not yielding 

250 Charlestown Church Affairs. 

to the wholesome exhortation of one of the messengers 
of God, we cannot but think their way will be found not 
pleasing unto God, and therefore that we were not 
bound to concur with them therein. 

2. Because our brethren would call Mr. Russell, 
without due consideration of another, whom the church 
had (before Mr. Russell was spoken at all of, or, it may 
be, thought of) unanimously professed to have an eye 
unto in order to settlement here ; and said, they thought 
they had reason for it, not only upon the account of their 
now glorious Shepherd, but also for what they did part- 
ly see and further hope to find in his worthy son : For, 
1. We persuade ourselves, that even our brethren will 
grant, that it is firmly to be desired and endeavoured, 
that, where two persons are to be joined in office togeth- 
er, they should be, as much as possible may be, of one 
mind and one heart. 2. We suppose, that, if not our 
brethren, yet others will readily grant, that a people 
that is to call two persons are greatly concerned to see 
some very plainly probable grounds to hope for and 
believe such good agreement between such persons be- 
fore they engage too far in calling of them. And, 3dly, 
We also suppose it will be granted, that such a people 
are firstly and chiefly concerned to see such grounds to 
believe, that he, whom they have unanimously professed 
to have an eye unto in order unto office, be satisfied 
concerning that other person, whom they think of join- 
ing in office with him ; if, at least, they would have 
such as shall observe their motions to believe they have 
such a singular respect to that first person as they pro- 
fess they have. 

But now Mr. Thomas Shepherd, the worthy son of 
our now blessed shepherd, was first nominated, when the 
church gave a call to worthy Mr. Brown deceased ; 
and it was at that time, with much affection and unanimi- 
ty, by the whole church, given in commission to those 
whom they employed to acquaint Mr. Brown with their 
call, that they should, withal, signify to him, that the 
church had an eye to Mr. Shepherd for office-work in 

Charlestown Church Affairs. 251 

convenient time ; and therefore they desired him to en- 
courage and draw on Mr. Shepherd to preach as speedily 
among ns as might he : which they accordingly did ; 
and, afterwards, the church, on all occasions, professed 
the same respect to him : Yea, when Mr. Brown had 
given his answer in the negative, and several other per- 
sons came to be nominated to the church's considera- 
tion, and Mr. Shepherd not being mentioned among them, 
some saying, that they hoped he was not excluded, or 
forgotten by us, it was answered, and so understood 
by the church, that whichsoever of the persons then 
nominated the church should pitch upon, was intended 
not to exclude, but to join with Mr. Shepherd in the 
work of the ministry among us. Yet our brethren never 
used any means whereby they might come truly to un- 
derstand whether Mr. Shepherd could freely and cheer- 
fully join with Mr. Russell, before the vote for Mr. 
Russell's call was pressed by them : Nay, afterwards, 
the question being put to him by some, he, wisely con- 
sidering, that himself had, as yet, no call from the church 
to the work of the ministry, refused to declare whether 
he were willing or unwilling to join with Mr. Russell, 
truly judging it quite out of season for him to declare 
himself either way in point of joining with another in a 
work, unto which himself, as yet, had no call at all : Nay, 
further, some of our brethren, and those not inconside- 
rable, have said, that they think, if they must so far con- 
sider Mr. Shepherd as we think needful, that would be 
to leave it to Mr. Shepherd to choose them a minister ; 
which, said they, were too great a betraying the church's 

Wherefore, though we would hope, that our brethren 
do yet bear a good respect to the well-deserving son of 
our dearest shepherd that is dead, yet, considering how 
things have been managed among us, and are now cir- 
cumstanced with us, we cannot but think that (whatso- 
ever may indeed be, yet) there does not appear any 
plain grounds for any rationally to conclude, that these 
two persons can freely and cheerfully join in carrying on 

252 Charlestown Church Affairs. 

the work of the ministry in this place ; nay, we are apt 
to think there are some probable grounds to fear they 

3. Because, although we question not but that Mr. 
Russell may be of good use in the work of the ministry 
in some other place, yet we do judge him not to be so 
meet for the managing of the work of a church officer 
in this place ; and, consequently, that it is neither safe 
for the church to call him thereunto, nor for him to ac- 
cept thereof. — Here we must humbly beg your pardon 
for our brevity on this head, as judging it not meet, in 
such an assembly, or in any assembly, to insist on that 
which may, in the least degree, disparage one, that we 
have a real respect for and love unto. We also beg your 
pardon for our plainness in this matter, because we 
verily apprehend, that we are bound, in faithfulness to 
the church, whereof we are members, to declare our 
dissatisfaction in and dissent from his settlement in the 
ministry here. 

Thus, having laid before you the reasons of our dis- 
sent from our brethren, which are of force with us, and 
will, we question not, be allowed their just weight with 
you, we heartily beseech the wonderful Counsellor 
and Prince of Peace to direct you to give such advice 
as may tend to the peace and settlement of this disquiet- 
ed and shattered church and town. We subscribe our 


This was given per the subscribers as reasons of 
their dissent from the church's motion, and publickly 
read the 5th November, '78. 


Charlestown Church Affairs. 253 

Honoured, reverend and beloved in our Lord Jesus 
Christ, that that is the occasion of this church's desiring 
of your advice at this time, is the practice of some par- 
ticular brethren among us, to be frequently charging of 
this church with their irregular, rash and unreasonable 
actions, and our going out of a way of God in electing 
and calling our beloved brother, Mr. Daniel Russell, to 
be a present supply unto this church and town in the 
work of the ministry, and that in order to office in this 
church, as also their objecting against him as being no 
meet person for us, although that, many times, since his 
proposal to this church, they have said, they had nothing 
against his person, but against our way of proceeding ; 
so that, until our church be cleared from such aspersions, 
we are like to enjoy no settled ministry. 

Our way has been according to the liberty our Lord 
Jesus Christ has purchased for and given unto his church 
here established, and the person's qualifications, that we 
have called and chosen, are scriptural, and according to 
our law, title Ecclesiastical, requires, we leave to this 
honoured and reverend council to judge ; he being a per- 
son that we have had good experience of, having been a 
considerable time in full communion with us, and cannot 
but judge both pious, able and orthodox, and finds high 
acceptance among our people ; so do therefore humbly 
entreat your advice, hoping, that, upon your hearing the 
whole case, which we shall present to you as briefly as 
we can, we shall receive such council from you as will 
tend unto our future peace, and the speedy settlement of 
all God's ordinances again among us. Human frailties, 
no doubt, have not been wanting on our part, for which 
we beg your most charitable construction, and that you 
would heartily pity and pray for us, that the men we 
are seeking after may find greater encouragement from 
you than ever they have had discouragement from our 
opposers ; that so, in God's way and time, they may be 
brought unto us with the fullness of the blessing of the 



Charlestown Church Affairs* 

gospel, that we may not be as sheep having no shepherd. 
So shall we not cease to pray, that peace may be your 
and our portion and the whole Israel's of God. 

November 5, 1678. 

John Leverett, Esq. Gov. 
Thomas Danforth, Esq. 
Edward Tyng, Esq. 
Mr. John Sherman, 

Mr. James Allin, 
Mr. Increase Mather, 
Mr. Samuel Willard, 
Mr. Edward Rawson, 
Elder Wiswall, 
Elder Rainsford, 
Major Thomas Savage, 
Deacon Brackett, 

Deacon Eliott, 
Deacon Hastings, 
Deacon Bright, 
Mr. Edward Oakes, 

Mr. Stedman, 

Mr. Daniel Gookin, jun. 
Mr. Richard Collicott, 
Mr. Daniel Stone, 
Lieut. Daniel Turell, 
Deacon Cooper, 
John Richards, 

chosen Scribe, 

This was given in per the church as an introduction 
to the work of the day, upon the meeting of the council 
in publick. 


The names of the council there met are 

A Brief Narrative of some of the most considerable 
Passages of this Church, and their several Committees 
acting since the Death of our dear and reverend 
Teacher, Mr. Thomas Shepherd, who departed this 
Life the 22d December, 1677. 

Not long after, the church was staid on the Lord's 
day, and then appointed a meeting at Capt. Hammond's 

Charlestown Church Affairs. 255 

house to consider what to do about supply in the work 
of the ministry ; and, when the church was there assem- 
bled, there was a unanimous vote passed for the re- 
newing their call to Mr. Joseph Brown ; after which 
there was a committee chosen to manifest their mind to 
Mr. Brown, and to receive his answer, whose names 
are, viz. 

Capt. Laur. Hammond, Mr. Jacob Greene, 

Mr. Thomas Graves, Mr. John Heman, 

Deacon Wm. Sitson, Joseph Lyndes, 

Deacon John Cutler, James Russell ; 
Deacon Aaron Ludkin, 

who, according to the desire of the church, went to Mr. 
Brown, and made known the church's mind to him, 
which was to request him to take office amongst them. 
After some time of consideration, he gave the committee 
an answer in the negative, and did soon after remove 
from us to Boston. 

Whereupon the church desired the former committee 
to provide transient help for carrying on the worship of 
God on the Lord's days ; and likewise some of the breth- 
ren desired, that they would use means to obtain a 
settled supply as soon as might be. 

In this time the committee had in their private con- 
sideration Sir Shepherd, and did take time to intimate 
their affectionate desires towards him, agreeing to in- 
vite him to preach with us one sermon, that so, having 
a taste of the gifts and graces of God bestowed upon 
him, that then we might have the precedency of any 
other people in that matter. But it was concluded, that 
we must apply ourselves to the obtaining an officer 
sooner than he was like to undertake such a work. 
For that end there was a committee meeting at the 
house of Mr. Joseph Lyndes, where, after some dis- 
course, it was agreed, that some of the committee should 
go and advise with some of the neighbour elders, who 
might be the fittest man to propound to the church. 

256 Charlestown Church Affairs. 

Capt. Laur. Hammond, Mr. John Heman, and James 
Russell, went to Watertown lecture, and, after lecture, 
they went to the house of Mr. Sherman, where was also 
Mr. Willard of Boston; to whom they declared the 
matter, and desired their advice. Mr. Willard mention- 
ed Mr Woodbridge of Hominossett; but it was in- 
formed, we were not willing to rob any place. Then 
the Rev. Mr. John Sherman mentioned Mr. Daniel 
Russell and Mr. Isaac Foster, and then concluded Mr. 
Foster the fittest person as they could then think of at 
present. Then they went to the Rev. Mr. Oakes his 
house to advise with him, who did advise to Mr. Isaac 
Foster. Mr. Graves went to Mr. Mather for his advice 
also, who declared, in case they had done with Mr. 
Brown, he judged Mr. Foster the suitablest person ; 
which was declared to the committee at their next meet- 
ing, which was at James Russell's house ; and then it 
was agreed to propound Mr. Isaac Foster to the church 
next Sabbath day, and to signify to the church, that, if 
they had any person to propound, they had their liberty. 
At which time there was nothing spoken referring to con- 
sulting with Sir Shepherd about his concurrence, which 
is one of the arguments our dissenting brethren have 
much urged against our proceeding with Mr. Daniel 

The next Sabbath, the church being staid, Mr. Tho- 
mas Graves did declare to the church, that they had 
taken advice, and Mr. Isaac Foster was advised to ; 
and he did further declare, that there was liberty for 
any of the committee or church to propound any other 
person. Whereupon it was propounded, to make a new 
address to Mr. Brown, which was urged by several. 
There was also proposed to consideration Mr. Daniel 
Russell, Mr. Thomas Shepherd, Mr. Samuel Nowell, Mr. 
Zechary Sims, Mr. Gershom Hubbard. Then the church 
was desired to consider of the persons ; and it was further 
concluded, if any considerable number of the church 
should agree upon any of the persons propounded, and 

Charlestown Church Affairs. 257 

signify the same to the committee, they might have a 
church meeting to manifest it. 

1678, May 19th. Mr. Thomas Shepherd preached his 
first sermon. That week following, some of the com- 
mittee moved to a prosecution of our former intentions 
of desiring more of his help in the ministry, and that in 
order to office ; but Mr. Thomas Graves opposed it, 
judging it would be prejudicial to him at present. It 
was then concluded, that we must apply ourselves to get 
an officer sooner than he was like to undertake such a 

June 7th, it being on Friday. In the evening the 
committee had a meeting at Mr. Thomas Graves his 
house, and agreed to stay the church the next Sabbath 
day, to know whether they had considered of any person, 
so as to be considerably agreed in any one ; and also 
they did agree, that the committee should not lead in 
proposing any man to the church. 

June 9th, it being Sabbath. The church was staid in 
the evening, and Mr. Thomas Graves did declare to the 
church, that, if they had ripened their thoughts concern- 
ing any of those persons formerly mentioned, that they 
would speak to it. Then Mr. Elias Maverick began, 
and propounded Mr. Daniel Russell, a person, whose 
parents were honourable amongst us, and he was brought 
up with us, and is one of this church, that we have had 
good satisfaction in, he judged to be a meet person. 
Then many others declared themselves of the same 
mind. After some silence, Mr. Thomas Graves urged 
those that had not yet spoken, that they would speak ; 
and the generality mentioned the same person, and there 
was no other mentioned at that time. It was urged by 
some of the brethren, that the committee would speak. 
Accordingly, some of them did manifest their concur- 
rence in the said person. It being again desired, that 
those, that had not spoken, would please to speak, 
whereupon Capt. Hammond declared, that he judged 
it unreasonable, that they should be urged so suddenly 
to declare their thoughts, alleging it was imposing upon 

258 Charlestown Church Affairs. 

them. Some desired Mr. Daniel Russell might be put to 
vote ; others thought it not meet at that time. So there 
was discourse about another meeting, to come to a con- 
clusion of this matter. Capt. Hammond proposed a 
month ; some said a week ; but the conclusion was, 
sixteen days after, which was on a Tuesday. 

June 25th. The church met. Deacon Cutler desired 
them to speak to the business they came about. The 
first man that spoke propounded Mr. Shepherd to be 
the first man to be called to office ; upon which arose a 
debate, most, not looking on that as to be the work for 
which that meeting was, propounded for directing their 
discourse towards a conclusion about Mr. Daniel Russell 
as the proper work of that day, desiring those persons, 
that had time granted them for consideration about that 
particular, would now manifest their minds. Capt. 
Hammond intimated they would run a hazard of losing 
Mr. Shepherd, if they then proceeded to call Mr. Russell. 
Most were for calling both Mr. Russell and Mr. Shepherd 
at that time. But it was declared by Capt. Hammond, 
Mr. Graves and Deacon Ludkin, that the church's pro- 
ceedings were irregular, unreasonable, and out of the 
way of God. It was desired earnestly, if we were out 
of the way of God, that they would show us wherein, 
and help us into it. It was also desired, that they 
would propound a man, that, if they could not go with 
us, we might endeavour to go with them. They also 
declared, they had nothing against the person, but the 
way ; and there was much discourse to little purpose, 
spirits being raised ; and so this meeting broke up with- 
out concluding any thing. 

July 1st. The committee met at Capt. Hammond's 
in the evening, where things were debated, some 
being for the voting of Mr. Russell and Mr. Shepherd 
both at one time ; others objected that was the way to 
lose Mr. Shepherd. 

July 5th. The committee met at Mr. John Heman's, 
where Capt. Hammond, Mr. Graves and Mr. Greene 
declared, that the church going on to call Mr. Russell 

Charlestoivn Church Affairs. 259 

and Mr. Shepherd both at one meeting, was out of the 
way ; but they would be no further hindrance to the 
church's proceedings, but resolved to be passive. At 
which time the committee agreed to stay the church the 
next Sabbath. 

July 7th. The church was staid, and it was desired 
to know their minds, whether they would proceed to 
what was spoken to the last meeting ; and, when the 
church was about to proceed to the voting Mr. Russell 
and Mr. Shepherd in order to office, Mr. Graves and 
Capt. Hammond declared, they were not satisfied in that 
way of proceeding, but would not hinder the church. 
Mr. Greene, Mr. Heman, Deacon Ludkin and Mr. Ward 
signified they were of the same mind. Some moved to 
leave the matter with the committee for further con- 
sideration, and that they would take advice about the 
business, and so make return to the church. 

July 12th. The committee met at Deacon Stitson's 
in the evening, and, not agreeing amongst themselves, 
four of them desired, that the other five would go with 
them to advise, but they declared they needed none ; 
however, they would hear what advice should be given 
to Deacon Stitson, Deacon Cutler, Joseph Lyndes and 
James Russell, who propounded the four elders at 
Boston. It was feared that would be offensive to the 
neighbouring elders on this side. There was also pro- 
pounded, to advise with our honoured magistrates at 
Cambridge, together with Mr. Sherman and Mr. Oakes ; 
but after, it seeming most grateful to the major part, 
Deacon Stitson and the minor part did pitch upon the 
Rev. Mr. Sherman and Mr. Oakes to advise with, and 
accordingly sent Joseph Lyndes and James Russell to 
request their company upon the 17th July at Charles- 
town, at Deacon Stitson's, who went and declared the 
request of that part of the committee to them at Water- 
town and Cambridge. Mr. Sherman did encourage us 
as to his coming and calling Mr. Oakes ; but we did 
find Mr. Oakes not inclinable, for he said, it was neither 
the church nor committee that did desire him, it being 

260 Charlestown Church Affairs. 

the least part of the committee only that sent to him, 
However, it was hoped Mr. Sherman might have per- 
suaded him to come with him. 

July 17th. The committee met at Deacon Stitson's, 
according to their former agreement, and waited so long 
till it was concluded, that the aforementioned reverend 
elders would not come. So they agreed, that the church 
should be staid the next Sabbath. 

July 21st. The church was staid. The committee 
made return to them, that there was different apprehen- 
sions among them about proceeding to vote Mr. Rus- 
sell and Mr. Shepherd ; so they could not do any thing 
further; and so they left the matter with the church i 
again. So the church appointed a meeting the next day. 

July 22d. The church met, and it was signified to i 
them by the committee, that they had different appre- 
hensions, four being for giving a call to Mr. Russell 
and Mr. Shepherd and five against it. Therefore, they 
left it to the church to go on to voting, or to let all fall, 
five of the committee still telling the church, they were 
out of the way of God, but they would give them no 
more disturbance ; or to that purpose. Deacon Stitson 
declared, he never heard any thing from them to cause 
him to alter his mind, and that he was still for voting 
both or none at that time. And, after some further agi- 
tating the business, Deacon Stitson put it to vote, which 
was to this purpose : Whether the affections of the 
brethren did still continue to Mr. Daniel Russell and 
Mr. Thomas Shepherd, as formerly, to vote for them 
both at this time, to call them to the work of the minis- 
try in this place, and that in order to office in this 
church, they should manifest it by the usual sign of 
lifting up their hands. — This vote passed generally. 

After some further agitation about who should be put 
to vote first, though the church's eyes were on Mr. 
Russell for present supply, yet, hoping to gratify some, 
did agree, that Mr. Shepherd should be first voted, pro- 
vided both were voted at that time. 

Charlestown Church Affairs. 261 

Then Deacon Cutler voted it, viz. 

Jf it be the mind of the brethren of this church to 
call Mr. Thomas Shepherd to the work of the ministry 
in this place, and that in order to office in this church, 
let them manifest it by the usual sign of lifting up the 
hand.-— This vote passed generally. 

Then Mr. Daniel Russell was put to vote : 

If it be the mind of the brethren of this church to 
call Mr. Daniel Russell as a present help in the work of 
the ministry in this place, and that in order to office in 
this church, let them manifest it by the usual sign of 
lifting up the hands. — This vote passed generally. 

These two last votes were read to the church, and no 
objection made against them. 

Then the church came to consider of a committee to 
manage this matter of making known the church's mind 
to these persons. The former committee was desired 
to act in this business ; but some refused it, and judged it 
unreasonable that they should be desired to act in this 
business. So the church chose a new committee : 

Deacon Wm. Stitson, Mr. John Phillips, 

Deacon John Cutler, Mr. Joseph Lyndes, 

Mr. Elias Maverick, Mr. James Russell. 
Serjeant Richard Kettle, 

The committee concluded to stay the congregation 
the next Lord's day, to know their minds in this matter. 

July 28th. The congregation being staid, Deacon 
Stitson spake to them to this purpose : That the church 
had been considering of two persons, that might be a 
supply to the congregation in the work of the minis- 
try in this place, and that in order to office in this 
church, which was Mr. Daniel Russell and Mr. Thomas 
Shepherd, which had proceeded so far with as to pass 
a vote for them ; and now they did desire the consent 
of the inhabitants ; and did desire, if there were any that 
had any objection to make why we might not proceed, 
that they would speak to it ; but if not, their silence 
should be taken for their concurrence with the church. 

262 Charlestown Church Affairs. 

July 29th. The new committee met at Deacon 
Stitson's, and agreed to send the call of the church to 
Mr. Daniel Russell, which was accordingly done ; and, 
the same day, they went to Mr. Shepherd and declared 
the church's call to him, who thankfully acknowledged 
the church and town's love towards his honoured father 
and himself, and gave us very good encouragement, 
that we might, in time, enjoy his help. 

August 4th. The church was staid, and a copy of 
the letter, that was sent Mr. Daniel Russell, was ten- 
dered to be read, if any desired it, but none spake to it. 
So the church was dismissed. 

August 19th. The committee received a letter from 
Mr. Daniel Russell in answer to the church's call, and 
on the 25th of August, being Sabbath day, the church 
was staid, and the letter read to them. 

Sept. 15th. The church was staid, and it was signified 
to them, that Mr. Daniel Russell was come in to answer 
to the church's call, and was willing to help them at 
present in the work of the ministry, as he had formerly 
written to them. 

It was then put to vote, whether the brethren of this 
church did. continue in their desire, that Mr. Daniel 
Russell should help at present in the work of the minis- 
try, as formerly their silence should manifest it ; or to 
that purpose. 

Upon which Mr. Graves and Capt. Hammond declar- 
ed, they were against it ; and Mr. Graves said Mr. 
Daniel Russell was not a fit man for that place ; though 
he had formerly declared, several times, that he had 
nothing against his person, doctrine or conversation. 

It was then put to the vote, as formerly, that, if they 
did desire Mr. Russell, that they would manifest it by 
the usual sign of lifting up the hand. — This vote passed 

The church desired, that thanks might be returned to 
Mr. Daniel Russell for his acceptance, as far as he had 
expressed it. 


Charlestown Church Affairs. 

Capt. Hammond made a speech, and gave his reasons, 
why he concurred not with the church, which were, viz. 
Because they did not first consult Mr. Shepherd, whether 
he could close with Mr. Russell ; as also the rash and 
unreasonable actions of the church in their proceedings 
in this matter. 

Counsel of churches was then propounded by one of 
the church, as an expedient towards peace, rather than 
to reply one to another, without an indifferent judge. 

Then Capt. Hammond answered, that if they needed 
counsel, they could go to it. 

The next day the committee declared to Mr. Daniel 
Russell the church's thanks for his acceptance of their 
call, so far as he had expressed ; also their desire of his 
continuance in the work of the ministry amongst us. 

September 24th. The committee had a meeting, and 
did agree to give the dissenting brethren a meeting to 
discourse matters, that so we might agree, if it might be, 
amongst ourselves, or else to propound to the church to 
desire counsel in this matter. 

September 26th. The committee had a meeting with 
their dissenting brethren, and had a loving discourse 
about calling a council. They refused to be active in it, 
or to draw up any thing to propound to the council, 
though they were much urged to it by the committee ; 
yet they declared, if the church would call a council, 
they would afford their presence as to clearing up mat- 
ters ; and further told us, it was our duty to go to council. 
The committee promised the dissenting brethren, that 
they would endeavour to draw up something to pro- 
pound to the church, and show it them first. But we 
could not agree upon drawing up any thing, only to 
propound to the church, whether they would go to 
council or not. 

October 13th. The church was staid, and it was 
agreed and voted, to call a council of elders and mes- 
sengers of churches ; and the dissenting brethren signi- 
fied, as before, that they would not act with us in going 
to council, though they were much entreated ; yet they 


264 Charlestown Church Affairs, 

said, they would attend the council ; and Mr. Graves 
declared, he would set himself in opposition against the 
way and the person mentioned, what in him lay. 

October 20th. The church was staid, and it was 
voted and agreed, that the three churches of Boston, to- 
gether with Cambridge and Watertown, their elders 
and messengers, be desired to afford their presence here 
on the 5th November, and to give us their advice. And 
these seven persons were chosen, viz. 

Deacon Wm. Stitson, Richard Lowder, 

Deacon John Cutler, Joseph Lyndes, 

Elias Maverick, James Russell, 
Richard Kettle, 

who were desired to write to the several churches, 
to request the presence of their elders and messengers ; 
and that they should draw up a narrative of the whole 
proceedings, and deliver it to the council ; and that 
they would manage the business when the council is 
present, not hindering any other brother to speak, if 
there be occasion. All these things were then voted 
and agreed upon in the church. 

It was also propounded to the church, whether they 
would renew their call to Mr. Shepherd, which was 
presently opposed by Mr. Graves, who said, that, as he 
had declared against all our former proceedings, so he 
did against that, as being unreasonable and unseasona- 
ble. One asked him a reason, and he said he would give 
them none ; and so he departed the house. 

Note, that the several votes, beforementioned in this 
narrative, were all proposed by the forementioned par- 
ties, by the consent of the church. 

This declaration was presented by the church, and, 
after reading in the publick meeting, was then voted by 
them as the substance of transactions in this matter. 

November 5, 1G78. 

Memoir of William J. Spooner, Esq. 265 

Memoir of William Jones Spooner, Esq. 

J- O the names, already so numerous, of those, who 
have fallen among us within a few years, in the threshold 
of usefulness, disappointing the highest and most confi- 
dent expectations of their future eminence, as if they had 
been exalted by their talents and their virtues only to 
become a more conspicuous and earlier mark for death, 
we have now to add that of our late associate, William 
Jones Spooner. The feelings, excited by such a disap- 
pointment of such expectations, can be realized by none 
but those, who have watched with intense interest the 
progress of similar excellence, and its premature fate. 
It is not our purpose to recall those feelings or to show 
the bitterness of that disappointment, in the present in- 
stance, by dwelling on what our friend might have been, 
or might have done, if he had been longer spared to 
society ; but simply, in conformity with our usual prac- 
tice on losing any of the more distinguished among our 
associates, to state what he was, and what he did, and 
thus to preserve in our transactions some testimonial of 
his worth and of our regard. Several of the following 
dates and facts were communicated, at our request, by 
one of his near relatives, whose words we shall not 
hesitate occasionally to use. 

Mr. Spooner was the eldest son of William Spooner, 
M. D., and was born in Boston on the 15th of April, 1794. 
His mother was Mary Phillips, only daughter of John 
Phillips, Esq. the commander of Castle William, in this 
harbour, at the commencement of our revolutionary 
troubles, who was a lineal descendant of George 
Phillips, the first minister in Watertown. The wife of 
Mr. Phillips was the daughter of Adam Winthrop, 
the great grandson of Gov. Winthrop. The name of 
Jones he derived from his paternal great grandfather. 
His education, preparatory for the University, was ob- 


266 Memoir of William J, Spooner, Esq. 

tained at the publick Latin school in this town, then under 
the superintendence of Mr. William Bigelow, and which 
is now esteemed inferiour to no classical school in Ame- 
rica. He entered Harvard College in 1809, and was 
graduated in 1813 with distinguished honours. The 
assignment of the parts for Commencement gave great 
dissatisfaction to his class, and a committee was appoint- 
ed to draw up a remonstrance on the subject. This re- 
monstrance was written by him, and is said to have set 
forth the reason for dissatisfaction in a manly, dignified, 
and independent manner, but without any disrespect to 
the College government. 

Having determined on the law as his profession, he 
pursued his studies for one year at the Law School at 
Litchfield, in Connecticut, and for the two following 
years in the office of Peter O. Thacher, Esq. in Boston. 
In October, 1816, he was admitted to the bar, where, in 
a few years, he became distinguished by thoroughness 
of research, acuteness and ingenuity in argument, pre- 
cision of language, and readiness in reply ; and, still 
more honourably, by his perfect fairness, and his freedom 
from all artifice or concealment. He met every objec- 
tion directly and without evasion, not seeking to avoid 
its weight by misinterpreting the law or the evidence, or 
by misrepresenting the arguments of his opponent. It 
was not easy to perplex him by sophistry, and, what is 
more remarkable in one so ready and acute, he never 
attempted to perplex others by it. Every opportunity, 
which he had of being heard in court, especially on 
questions of law, increased the respect, which his asso- 
ciates at the bar entertained for his talents, and raised 
their expectations of his future eminence. 

While fulfilling with exemplary diligence and fidelity 
his duties to his clients, he yet found ample time for the 
cultivation of literature, and especially for the study of 
politicks, always his favourite pursuit. While yet a boy, 
his attention had been strongly attracted to the great 
events, and the animated political discussions, which then 
agitated Europe and America, and, with characteristick 

Memoir of William J. Spooner, Esq. 267 

ardour, he made himself minutely acquainted with them. 
He early took peculiar pleasure in reading the lives and 
works of the eminent statesmen of modern times, both in 
our own country and in England. The dissertation 
pronounced by him at College, on Commencement day, 
in which he maintained with great ingenuity and 
force the opinion, not common here at that period, 
that it is the natural tendency of our federal institu- 
tions to diminish the power of the several states, and to 
consolidate them under the general government, has 
been repeatedly spoken of as evincing a remarkable ma- 
turity of judgment and familiarity with his subject. He 
studied very carefully the early history of our country, 
and was quite familiar with the state papers and princi- 
pal publications, which preceded and accompanied the 
revolution, and those which illustrate the origin and 
principles of the constitutions of the state and of the 
nation, as well as with the decisions of our courts, in 
relation to the construction of those instruments. 

The science of political economy, the interests and 
resources of the several parts of our Union, and their 
connexion and intercourse with each other, as well as 
with foreign countries, engaged much of his attention. 
On these subjects his views were sound and practical. 
The establishment of any new branch of industry, ca- 
pable of maintaining itself, and of supporting and enrich- 
ing those engaged in it, was regarded by him as at once 
proving and promoting the prosperity of the nation ; 
but he deemed the forced introduction of any, which 
must be supported by constant bounties, whether direct, 
or indirect, in the form of imposts on similar articles, a 
publick burden. 

Without evincing any wish for office, he had thus qui- 
etly, and in the indulgence of his own peculiar tastes, 
laid a broad foundation for eminence in political life, and 
qualified himself to discharge the duties of any office, to 
which he might have been called, with honour to him- 
self and advantage to the community. 

268 Memoir of William J. Spooner, Esq. 

He was a member of several scientifick and literary 
associations, and in all an active and efficient one, enter- 
ing with strong interest and generous emulation into the 
friendly competitions, in which some of these societies 
engaged him, but without exulting in his own successes, 
or envying those of his companions. The only pub- 
lick office, which he ever held, was that of one of 
the superintendents of our primary schools, the duties 
of which were performed by him with his usual dili- 
gence and ability. He interested himself in all publick 
improvements, and especially in those relating to our 
literary institutions ; and frequently discussed the promi- 
nent topicks of the day with much talent in the newspa- 

Possessing a very acute intellect, combined with a 
sober and mature judgment, he was remarkably ready in 
determining what measures ought to be pursued in cases 
of difficulty and embarrassment arising in the actual con- 
duct of life, so that he often seemed to decide with the 
promptness and certainty of instinct. Yet he was al- 
ways able and willing to give good reasons for his de- 
cisions. These qualities, together with his perfect sin- 
cerity and openness, while they commanded the respect 
and confidence of all who knew him, gave him great in- 
fluence with his associates, and rendered him an invalua- 
ble adviser to his more intimate friends. His opinions 
were independent and decided, and always freely and 
explicitly avowed. His attachments were strong, but 
not blind ; his feelings quick, but generous. His man- 
ners and conversation were perfectly simple and unpre- 
tending, not sportive or winning, but frank, animated 
and sincere. Having no taste for trifling, but taking a 
lively interest in all rational intercourse, he seemed al- 
ways in earnest, and bore his part in society with manli- 
ness and candour, never engrossing the conversation 
when the topick was more familiar to him than to his 
companions, nor appearing negligent or indifferent when 
it happened to be less so. Indeed, he neither said nor 
did any thing for display. Distinguished himself by the 

Memoir of William J. Spooner, Esq. 269 

most scrupulous uprightness and veracity on all occa- 
sions, he was singularly impatient of any deceit or arti- 
fice in others ; and if it was detected by him, as it was 
very likely to be whenever it attracted his attention, it 
was instantly and openly rebuked. 

Mr. Spooner seemed incapable of being dazzled or 
overawed, recognising no other claim to distinction than 
merit ; and, in this respect, his life was a publick benefit. 
Young men, at the moment when their education is 
completed, and their conduct first exempted from the 
controul of their teachers, have great influence on the 
welfare of society. They become the models and ex- 
amples of those, who are younger than themselves, yet 
sufficiently near them in age to sympathize in their 
feelings, and who stand therefore precisely in the most 
perilous period of life, — that, in which the restraints of 
discipline are so far relaxed as to be easily evaded, and 
yet are felt to be restraints more than ever, in which 
permanent intimacies are formed, and lasting habits 
contracted, and the character, in a great measure, deter- 
mined. A youth, at this period, is more careless of pre- 
cepts, and more influenced by example, than at any 
other, and naturally imitates those, who are next above 
him in society, and who avowedly possess the entire in- 
dependence, which he affects ; commonly preferring the 
qualities, by which distinction and influence are acquired 
among them, to those, which lead to more permanent, 
but more remote honours. This preference often has 
an effect on his character and conduct through life. 
Hence, it is highly important to the community, that 
such distinction and influence should be obtained among 
young men, not by splendour of dress and equipage, by 
frivolity or dissipation ; but by superior acquirements 
in literature or science, or by active usefulness in socie- 
ty. For many years past, this has been the case among 
us to a remarkable degree, thanks to the subject of this 
memoir, and to young men like him, who have support- 
ed real merit, both by their countenance and by their 
example. This early engagement in the more serious 

270 Memoir of William J. Sjoooner, Esq. 

occupations of life may, perhaps, be attended by some 
inconveniences, interfering with the acquisition of elegant j W 
accomplishments, and the practice of athletick sports, .j an 
and substituting, too soon, the anxious sedateness of 
mature age for the hilarity and buoyancy of youth. 
But how far preferable is it, after all, to a taste for 
frivolous pleasures or for criminal indulgence ! p' 

In February, 1823, Mr. Spooner, who had exhibited ti 
marks of a languid and debilitated system for some 
months previous, was attacked by complaints of an 
alarming nature. A visit to the south, as the spring ad- 
vanced, seemed, in some degree, to repair his constitu- 
tion ; but, as autumn returned, his disease assumed a 
more serious aspect, and the following winter was one 
of considerable suffering. In the spring, by the advice 
of some of his physicians, he determined on another visit j \ 
to the south, and accordingly set sail for Richmond in j \ 
the beginning of April. At this time his sufferings were 
great, and he was almost deprived of rest, never passing 
an half hour, either by day or by night, without enduring 
acute pain. He returned from the south on the first of 
June, without any amendment in his health. As the 
summer advanced, his disease continually gained ground, 
and the possibility of affording him even temporary relief 
constantly diminished. Seized, from time to time, with 
paroxysms of intense pain, his sufferings were truly dis- 
tressing. He bore them with great fortitude and equa- 
nimity, continuing to attend to his business, and visiting 
and examining the children at the primary schools ; nor 
did he permit any apprehension of the future, or any 
actual suffering, to interfere with the duties of the pre- 
sent, while it was physically possible to perform them. 
About the middle of September, after a short visit to 
Nahant, his complaints increased to such a degree, and 
his sufferings became so excruciating, that it was utterly 
impossible for him to quit the house. Although his suf- 
ferings were afterwards much mitigated, he gradually 
declined until he died, on the 17th day of October, 1824. 

Branch Bank of the United States. 271 

In what manner the death of such a man was be- 
wailed by his intimate relations and friends need not, 
and cannot, be described. It was lamented by his fel- 
low townsmen as a common calamity. The Rev. Mr. 
Palfrey, on whose ministry he constantly attended, and 
whose friendship he had the happiness of enjoying, bore 
pubiick testimony to his virtues as a man and a Chris- 
tian, and the Bar of the county of Suffolk attended his 
funeral in a body, and appointed a committee to prepare 
a notice of his character, to be inscribed on their records. 

His own productions afford honourable evidence of 
his merit. The only one, which bears his name, is an 
oration, pronounced in the year 1822 before the society 
of C P. B. K. and printed at their request. But, besides 
other anonymous publications, he contributed several 
valuable articles to the North American Review, of 
which the following is believed to be a correct list : 

On the Bankrupt Laws, May, 1818. 

On Birkbeck's Letters from Illinois, March, 1819. 

On Phillips's Recollections of Curran, January, 1820. 

On Massachusetts State Papers, October, 1820. 

On Godwin on Malthus, October, 1822. 

Mr. Spooner had been so short a time a fellow of the 
Historical Society, that nothing written by him is con- 
tained in our transactions. His worth, however, was 
well known and highly prized by us all, and he was 
appointed one of the committee for publishing the pre- 
sent volume. But what are human appointments ! — In- 
stead of being enriched by his talents, it is destined to 
contain a tribute to his memory. 

Branch Bank of the United States at Boston. 

Boston, January 22, 1825. 
Dear Sir, 

I SEND you herewith a certified copy of the records 
of the Branch Bank, enumerating the documents and 
coins, which have been placed under the corner stone 

272 Branch Bank of the United States. 

on the south-east, and under the westernmost pillar of 
the Bank. The documents were contained in a double 
case of copper, with an half inch of powdered charcoal 
between the two cases, and the whole covered by an 
oak box, which had been saturated with oil. 1 presume, 
therefore, that they will remain, uninjured by the at- 
mosphere, a great length of time. You are requested 
by the directors to place the record alluded to with the 
Collections of the Historical Society. 

Your very respectful servant, 


For the Building Committee. 
President of the Historical Society. 

Office of Discount and Deposit, Bank of the United 
States, Boston, June 8th, 1824. 

At a meeting of the Directors, 

Mr. Blake, from the Committee appointed to pro- 
cure a plate with suitable inscriptions, presented the 
following report, which was accepted : 

" The Committee, appointed to devise and prepare a 
suitable plate to be deposited at the foundation of the 
Banking House now erecting in State Street, have duly 
attended to that subject ; and they beg leave to make 
their report, by exhibiting herewith to the personal 
inspection of the Board, a silver plate, with engravings 
thereon of such emblems and inscription as, in the opin- 
ion of the Committee, are suitable and appropriate. 

" The Committee would recommend, that this plate be 
enclosed in a glass frame, in which shall also be con- 
tained, if the same may conveniently be procured, a 
single specimen of the whole series of the gold, silver, 
and copper coins of the United States ; and that the 
case, with its contents, be placed beneath the south-east 
corner stone of the edifice. 

GEORGE BLAKE, per order." 

" Boston, June 7th, 1824." 

Branch Bank of the United States. 273 



Plate 10 inches by 7, weighing 11 and I ounces. 


Incorporated by Act of Congress, April 10th, A. D. 1816. 
James Madison then President of the United States. 

Capital Stock, > An Eagle standing qb ^ 35 000 000 Dollars- 

I a portion of the J *""> VVV > ,M ' VW 

NICHOLAS BIDDLE, ) ^scroll ^itn^t he > THOMAS WILSON, 
„ / motto, " E pluri- \ ■ 

President. V. bus unum." ' Cashier. 

Directors for the present Year. 

Nicholas Biddle, Manuel Eyre, Joseph Hemphill, Cadwalla- 
der Evans, Jun. E. J. Dupont, Henry Eckford, John McKim, 
Joshua Lippincott, Daniel W. Coxe, James Lloyd, John 
Potter, R. M. Whitney, Thomas Knox, Lewis Clapier, Rich- 
ard Willing, Thomas Cadwallader, Samuel Wetherell, Benja- 
min W. Crowninshield, Alexander Henry, Daniel C. Verplanck, 
William Patterson, John Bohlen, Paul Beck, Jun. John A. 
Brown, Roswell L. Colt. 

This building erected by the Parent Bank for the accom- 
modation of its Office of Discount and Deposit in this city of 
Boston, A. D. 1824. 

Capital Stock appropriated for the employment of this Branch, 
1,500,000 DQ&LAHS. 

WILLIAM GRAY, First President Resigned Nov. 8th, 1823. 


Directors of the Branch at this time. 

Gardiner Greene, Thomas Handasyd Perkins, John Welles, 
John Parker, Daniel Pinckney Parker, Nathaniel Silsbee, 

274 Branch Bank of the United States. 

David Sears, Daniel Webster, George Blake, Resin Davis 
Shepherd, Henry Gardner Rice, Horace Gray. 

SOLOMON WILLARD, Architectus, Edificium Construxit. 


Hazen Morse, Scult. 

On the back of the Plate inscribed, 

This Corner Stone laid July 4th, A. D. 1824, being the forty- 
eighth Anniversary of American Independence. 

Monday, July 5th, 1824. 

Special meeting of the Directors, for the purpose of 
placing under the Corner Stone of the edifice erecting 
for the accommodation of this office the plate reported 
by the Committee on the 8th ult. enclosed in a glass 
case ; and the following deposits of coins, &c. 

A glass case, containing the following described medal, 
presented for the purpose by Mrs. Thomas H. Perkins, viz. 

A gold medal, weighing 10 dwts. with the following device : 
On one side, Bust of Washington, encircled by a laurel wreath ; 
and outer circle formed by the motto 

" He is in glory the world in tears." 

On the other side, an Urn, with the initials G. W. — Outer side, 
B. F. 11, 1732. G. A. ARM. 75. R. 83. P. U. S. A. 89.— Inner 
circle, R. 96. G. A. ARM. U. S. 98. OB. D. 14, 1799. 
And the following gold and silver coins, viz. 


One eagle, coinage of 1801. 
One half do. " " 1796. 
One fourth do. " " 1804. 

One glass case, containing copper coins : — Eight cents, coin- 
age of 1821 ; six half ditto, coinage of 1804 ; and two cents of 
the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, coinage of 1787 and 1788. 
— One glass bottle, containing a copy of the act of Congress, 


One dollar, coinage 

of 1799. 

One half do. " 

" 1821. 

One fourth do. " 

" 1821. 

One disme, " 

" 1821. 

One half do. " 

" 1805. 

Branch Bank of the United States. 275 

incorporating the Bank, and the several newspapers printed on 
the anniversary, viz. Patriot and Daily Mercantile Adver- 
tiser, Daily Advertiser, Commercial Gazette, Courier, and 
Statesman. — Also, a small glass bottle, containing a list, on 
paper, of the officers of the Branch, and the names of the 
master mason and master carpenter, as follows, viz. 

JOHN TUCKER, Book Keeper. 


CHARLES HARRIS, Discount Clerk. 

JOHN FULLER, Collection and Bond Clerk. 

"WILLIAM L. CAZNEAU, Messenger. 



JOHN J. LORING, Transfer Clerk. 

OLIVER W. CHA.MPNEY, Interest Clerk. 
JOHN S. LILLIE, Pension Clerk. 

GRIDLEY BRYANT, Master Mason. 

JAMES McALLASTER, Master Carpenter. 

The Directors proceeded from their room at 9 o'clock, 
A. M. with the Cashier and officers of the Branch, and 
the deposits were placed by the President in an exca- 
vation made under the Corner Stone, 17 by 13 inches, 
and 7 inches deep. 

Extract from the Records, 


Office of Discount and Deposit of the Bank of the 
United States, at Boston, November 22, 1824. 

At a meeting of the Directors, 

On motion of Mr. Perkins, the following vote was 
unanimously adopted. 

Voted, That, with a view to comemmorate one of 
the most important events of the American revolution, 
there be collected and placed under the western pillar 
of the Branch Bank, now erecting in State Street in 
this city, such documents as are within our reach, which 

276 Branch Bank of the United States. 

have reference to the Battle of Bunker Hill, fought 
on the 17th of June, 1775, between the forces of his 
Britannick Majesty and the then Provincial militia of this 
and the neighbouring provinces : with such other docu- 
ments as illustrate the important events, which sepa- 
rated the United States from the parent country : and 
that the Building Committee be instructed to cause such 
collection to be made and disposed of as above directed. 

In virtue of the above vote, the Building Committee 
have deposited, as therein directed, in an inner and outer 
copper case, enclosed with wood, the following docu- 
ments, together with a copy of the above vote, signed by 
the President and Directors and Cashier of this office : 

1. A Pamphlet by Major General Henry Dearborn, de- 
scribing the events of the 17th June, 1775, accompanied by a 
Sketch of the action by a British officer. The same Pamphlet, 
containing a Letter to Major General Dearborn, from Daniel 
Putnam, Esq. repelling the charges brought against the memo- 
ry of the late Major General Putnam in General Dearborn's 
Account of the Battle of Bunker Hill. 

2. The Life of Major General Putnam by Col. Humphreys, 
with an Appendix by Col. Samuel Swett, giving an Historical 
and Topographical Sketch of the Battle of Bunker Hill. 

3. A Plan of the Battle of Bunker Hill, also by Col. S. 

4. A Certificate issued by the officers of the Bunker Hill 
Monument Association, to the members of that Association, 
with a fac simile of the signatures of the President, Vice 
President and Directors. 

5. A Circular, addressed to the community at large by the 
Directors of the Bunker Hill Monument Association, inviting 
their aid to the object. 

6. An Address by a Special Committee of the Directors of 
the Bunker Hill Monument Association to the Selectmen of the 
several towns in the State of Massachusetts. 

Also, the Declaration of the Independence of the United 
States of America, as executed on the 4th day of July, 1776, 
with a fac simile of the signatures of the members of Congress, 
whose names are affixed to that memorable and important 
document, and which purports to have been compared with the 
original instrument deposited in the office of the Secretary of 
State, and certified by the Hon. John Quincy Adams, the 

Branch Bank of the United States. 277 

present Secretary of State, and one of the candidates for the 
Presidency of the United States at the ensuing election. 

Engravings of the busts of General Washington, Gov. 
Hancock, first President of Congress, and Thomas Jefferson, 
first Secretary of State. 

Fac similes of the hand-writing of five of the Fathers, who 
landed at Plymouth in the May-Flower, on the 22d of Decem- 
ber, 1620, viz. William Bradford, William Brewster, Edward 
Winslow, Miles Standish, Thomas Prence. 

Transcript of record and forms of proceedings in an accu- 
sation of crime before the Judicial Court having jurisdiction 
thereof ; in yerpeiuam memoriam rei. Attest, James T. Austin, 
Attorney for the Commonwealth for Suffolk County. 

Forms used at the Custom House, and to which are attach- 
ed the signatures of the President of the United States, the 
Secretaries of State, and the Collector of the Customs for 
the time being, viz. Mediterranean Passes on Parchment, 
a ship's Register and Clearance. 

An account of the Battle of Bunker Hill, taken from a 
periodical publication at Philadelphia, in 1818, called the 
Analectick Magazine. 

Also, a Biographical Sketch of General Warren. 

The 20th number of the North American Review, published 
by Messrs. Cummings and Hilliard in July, 1818, containing 
a review of " An Account of the Battle of Bunker Hill by H. 
Dearborn, Major General of the United States Army, in 1818." 
2d. " A Letter to Major General Dearborn, repelling his unpro- 
voked attack on the character of the late Major General 
Israel Putnam, by Daniel Putnam, Esq. 1818." This review is 
understood to have been written by the Hon. Daniel Webster, 
now a member of Congress from Massachusetts. 

Also, a Discourse delivered at Plymouth, December 22d, 
1822, in commemoration of the first settlement of New Eng- 
land, by Daniel Webster. 

For the information of futurity, the Building Committee 
give the following facts in relation to the erection of this 
edifice : 

The appropriation for the building of this Bank by the 
Parent Institution, was one hundred thousand dollars ; of 
which sum, fifty-four thousand eight hundred and fifty dollars 
was paid for the land ; and it is the hope of the Building 
Committee, that the whole sum disbursed will not exceed the 

The Pillars, under one of which this document is placed, 
were quarried in Chelmsford in this State, being the first 


278 Boston Bills of Mortality. 

granite shafts, of these dimensions, ever erected in this country. 
Their dimensions are twenty-four feet in length, four feet 
diameter at the base, and three feet at the head. The cost 
of them, delivered at the spot where they were quarried, was 
nine hundred dollars each, and the expense of bringing them 
here about five hundred dollars each. They were brought 
separately, by land, and drawn by thirty-four yoke of oxen. 
The stone of the walls of the Bank was worked principally at 
the State Prisons at Charlestown, Massachusetts, and Concord, 
New Hampshire. 

The Architect, SOLOMON WILLARD. 

Master Mason, GRLDLEY BRYANT. 

Master Carpenter, JAMES McALLASTER. 


GARDINER GREENE, President, } 


THOMAS H. PERKINS, > Building Committee. 



Boston, November 30, 1824. 


Extract from the Records, 


[The Bills of Mortality for Boston have not been inserted in our 
volumes since that of 1817, in vol. VIII. p. 40, of Second Series. 
Yet their importance is of increasing interest, to convince us of 
the improving health of this city.] 

Abstract of the Bills of Mortality for the Town 
of Boston, from December 81, 1817, agreeably 
to the Record kept at the Health Office. 


Male. Fe. Tot. 

Under 1 year, 83 89 172 

From 1 to 2, 49 49 98 

2 to 5, 35 22 57 

5 to 10, 18 18 36 

10 to 20, 26 17 43 

20 to 30, 58 52 110 

30 to 40, 57 56 113 

40 to 50, 60 49 109 

Male. Fe. Tot. 

From 50 to 60, 51 38 89 

60 to 70, 36 35 71 

70 to 80, 25 24 49 

80 to 90, 9 11 20 

90 to 100, 2 2 4 

Total 971 

Boston Bills of Mortality. 


The Deaths above mentioned 




Angina pectoris, 









Cynanche maligna, 


Diseases unknown, 

Drinking cold water, 







Fever, Bilious, 

— Intermittent, 






were caused by Diseases and Casualties, as 
follows, viz. 







Fever, typhus, 112 

Fits, 24 

Gout, 1 

Gravel, 1 

Hepatitis, 5 

Hernia, 1 

Haemorrhagia, 4 

Hooping cough, 1 

Hydrocephalus inf. 4 

Infantile diseases, ] 56 

Inflammation of brain, 1 

Intemperance, 2 

Measles, 1 

Mortification, 4 

Old age, 32 

Palsy, 6 

Phrenitis, 1 

Pleurisy, 3 

Quincy, 4 

Rickets, 2 

Scalds, 3 

Scrofula, 2 

Spasms, 4 

Still-born, 46 

Suicide, 4 

Sudden, 12 

Ulcers, 1 

Total 971 

Under 1 year, 
From 1 to 2, 

2 to 5, 

5 to 10, 

10 to 20, 

20 to 30, 

30 to 40, 










From 40 to 50, 

50 to 60, 

60 to 70, 

70 to 80, 

80 to 90, 










In addition to the above, those buried from the Almshouse, and the \ 
town's poor, whose ages and diseases are unknown, amount to ) 
Still-born, 89 

Total 1070 


Boston Bills of Mortality. 

The Deaths above mentioned were caused by Diseases and Casualties, as 

follows, viz. 

Apoplexy, 6 

Burns and scalds, 3 

Cancers, 3 

Casualty, 8 

Cholera morbus, 1 1 

Cholera infantum, 7 

Consumption, 174 

Croup, 9 

Cynanche trachialis, 8 

Debility, 9 

Diarrhoea, 1 

Diseases of the heart, 3 

Diseases unknown, 192 

Drinking cold water, 2 

Dropsy, 23 

Drowned, 13 

Dysentery, 12 

Dyspepsy, 2 

Fever, Typhus, 108 

Pulmonick, 46 

Pleurisy, 3 

Bilious, 10 

■ Nervous, 4 

Scarlatina, 2 

Rheumatick, 6 

Malignant, 32 

- Worm, 7 

Yellow, 1 

Fever, Puerperal, 





Hooping cough, 

Hydrocephalus inter. 

Infantile diseases, 





Killed in a duel, 

Old age, 






Scarlatina anginosa, 


















Total 1070 



1 year, 

1 to 2, 

2 to 5, 
5 to 10, 

10 to 20, 
20 to 30, 
30 to 40, 
40 to 50, 
50 to 60, 























From 60 to 

70 to 

80 to 

90 to 


Male. Fe. Tot. 












Boston Bills of Mortality. 


The number of Deaths above include those in the Almshouse, the town's 
poor, and four who were executed ; and were caused by Diseases and 
Casualties as follow : 

Abscess, 1 

Accident, 7 

Apoplexy, 10 

Bilious Colick, 1 

Burns, 1 

Calculus, 1 

Cancer, 1 

Cancerated uterus, 1 

Casualty, 5 

Cholera infantum, 8 

morbus, 6 

Cramp, 3 

Consumption, 220 

Croup, 3 

Debility, 4 

Diarrhoea, 3 

Disease of the heart, 7 

Diseases unknown, 187 

Distorted spine, 1 

Drinking cold water, 1 

Dropsy, 14 

Drowned, 9 

Dysentery, 14 

Dyspepsy, 1 1 

Enteritis, 5 

Fever, 3 

Bilious, 6 

Nervous, 5 

— Inflammatory, 3 

Intermitting, 1 

Puerperal, 8 

— Pneumonia, 26 

Rheumatick, 3 

Putrid, 1 

Scarlet, 9 

Spotted, 1 

— Typhus, 43 

















Hooping cough, 


Infantile diseases, 


Inflammation of the brain, 














Old age, 




















Strangulated hernia, 












Throat distemper, 





N. B. There were no deaths in the Hospital on Rainsford's Island, during 
the above period.— The number of inhabitants in this town, by the last census, 
was 43,893. 



Boston Bills of Mortality. 


Under 1 year, 
From 1 to 2, 

2 to 5, 

5 to 10, 

10 to 20, 

20 to 30, 

30 to 40, 

40 to 50, 

50 to 60, 















From 60 to 70, 

70 to 80, 

80 to 90, 

90 to 100, 










82 69 



Total 1420 

The number of Deaths above include those in the Almshouse, and town's poor 
and were caused by Diseases and Casualties as follow : 

Abscess 2 

Accidental, 1 

Angina pectoris, 1 

Apoplexy, 7 

Asthma, 1 

Burns, 13 

Cancer, 3 

Cancerated uterus, 1 

Casualty, 17 

Cholera infantum, 6 

morbus, 9 

Chronick diarrhoea, 9 

■ dysentery, 4 

Consumption, 192 

Cynanche trachialis, 3 

Croup, 11 

Diseases of the heart, 4 

unknown, 243 

Diseased scapula, 1 

Debility, 8 

Delirium tremens, 5 

Dropsy, 32 

Drowned, 19 

Drunkenness, 1 

Dysentery, 60 

Dyspepsy, 3 

Enteritis, 10 

Epilepsy, 1 

Fever, 8 

- Bilious, 10 

Fever, Inflammatory, 2 

Nervous, 1 

— Puerperal, 7 

Pulmonick, 31 

Rheumaticky 6 

— Scarlatina, 1 

Typhus, 42 

Fits, 19 

Gravel, 1 

Haemorrhagia, 1 

Hooping cough, 26 

Hydrocephalus intermis, 6 

Hydrothorax, 2 

Infantile diseases, 153 

Insanity, 4 

Intemperance, 30 

Jaundice, 3 

Lumber abscess, 1 

Marasmus, 1 

Measles, 149 

Mortification, 8 

Murdered, 1 

Old age, 31 

Paralysis, 22 

Phthisis, 23 

Phrenitis, 15 

Quincy, 5 

Scald, 1 

Scrofula, 5 

Scirrhous liver, 5 

Boston Bills of Mortality, 


Scirrhous spleen, 


Spina bifida, 











Tuberculated phthisis, 
Ulcerated stricture of in- 
White swelling, 





N. B. There were eleven deaths in the Hospital on Rainsford's Island 
during the above period, viz. nine of yellow fever, and two of chronick 


Under 1 year, 
From 1 to 2, 

■ 2 to 5, 

5 to 10, 

10 to 20, 

20 to 30, 

30 to 40, 

40 to 50, 

50 to 60, 































Male. Fe. Tot, 

From 60 to 

70 to 

80 to 

90 to 












63 64 







Total 1203 

The number of Deaths above include those in the Almshouse, and the city's 
poor ; and were caused as follows : 

Abscess, 5 

Accidental, 2 

Apoplexy, 6 

Asthma, 2 

Burnt, 1 

Cancer, 8 

Casualty, 15 

Consumption, 166 

Cramp, 2 

Croup, 10 

Cholera morbus, 5 

Colick, bilious, 3 

Cynanche trachialis, 1 

Debility, 4 

Diarrhoea, 9 

Diseases unknown, 218 

Diseased heart, 
Fever, Typhus, 
— Lung, 


























Boston Bills of Mortality. 




Old age, 



Hooping cough, 











Strangulated hernia, 






Inflammation, brain, 















* 1 



White swelling, 











1 year, 

1 to 2, 

2 to 5, 
5 to 10, 

10 to 20, 
20 to 30, 
30 to 40, 
40 to 50, 
50 to 60, 























From 60 to 70, 

70 to 80, 

80 to 90, 

90 to 100, 


Male. Fe. Tot, 






63 58 







Total 1154 

The number of Deaths above include those in the Almshouse and the city- 
poor, occasioned as follows : 





Angina pectoris, 





Cholera infantum, 






Cholera morbus, 
Colick, bilious, 







Boston Bills of Mortality. 


Cynanche trachialis, 

Delirium tremens, 
Diseases unknown, 

of the heart, 





Effusion of brain, 


Fever, Inflammatory, 













Hernia, strangulated, 

Hooping cough, 






























Infantile diseases, 
Inflammation of brain, 





Old age, 

Organick disease, brain, 







Scirrhous liver, 




Stricture, urethra, 





White swelling, 




Total 1154 


Male. Fe. Tot. 

Under 1 year, 
From 1 to 2, 

2 to 5, 

5 to 10, 

10 to 20, 

20 to 30, 

30 to 40, 

40 to 50, 











Male. Fe. Tot. 

From 50 to 60, 48 36 84 

60 to 70, 
70 to 80, 
80 to 90, 
90 to 100, 








78 55 



The number of Deaths above include those in the Almshouse and the city 
poor ; and were occasioned as follows : 


Boston Bills of Mortality. 






Bilious colick, 

Bleeding at the lungs, 


Cancerous humour, 


in the bowels, 

Chicken pox, 
Cholera morbus, 


Complaint of the heart, 
Complication of disorders, 
Complaint of the bowels, 

Decay of nature, 

Delirium tremens, 
Diseases unknown, 


Disorder of the mesente- 

rick glands, 

of the kidneys, 

Drinking cold water, 

of the head, 

of the chest, 

Enlarged spine, 




































Fever, Puerperal^ 







Hepatico gasteritis, 

Hooping cough, 



of the bowels, 

of the lungs, 

of the stomach, 

of the heart, 






Old age, 



Phthisis pulmonalis, 





Salt rheum, 





Strangulated hernia, 








White swelling, 
















N. B. There were also three Deaths of yellow fever, and two of small-pox, 
in the Hospital, Rainsford Island. 

Alphabetical Lists. 


Alphabetical Lists of the Resident and the Cor- 
responding Members of the Massachusetts His- 
torical Society. 

Mtnitimt ffllzmbztn. 

Those with * prefixed have died. Those with t have resigned, &c. 
Names. Residence. 

Time of Elec- Decease, Re- 
tion. signation, fyc. 

Hon. John Adams, LL. D. Quincy, 31 July, 1800 

Hon. John Q. Adams; LL. D. Boston, 27 April, 1802 

Joseph Allen, Esq. Worcester, 7 Sept. 1808 

Rev. John Allyn, D. D. Duxbury, 29 Octo. 1799 

*Hon. Josiah Bartlett, M. D. Charlestown, 

tHon. William Baylies, M. D. Dighton, 

*Rev. Jeremy Belknap, D. D. Boston, 

tRev. William Bentley, Salem, 

James Bowdoin, Esq. Boston, 
tAlden Bradford, Esq. do. 

*Capt. Gamaliel Bradford, do. 

*Rev. John Bradford, Roxbury, 

*Thomas Brattle, Esq. Cambridge, 

*Rev. Joseph S. Buckminster, Boston, 
Charles Bulfinch, Esq. do. 

24 April, 1798 
Original member[| 2! 


25 Mar. 
27 Aug. 

2 Jan. 
31 Octo 
30 Jan. 
25 April, 1797 
25 April, 1811 
10 Octo. 1801 







9 June, 1812 

Elisha Clap, A. M. Boston, 

*Rev. John Clark, D. D. do. 

*Hon. Peleg Coffin, Esq. Nantucket, 

Mr. Joseph Coolidge, jun. Boston, 

tRev. Manasseh Cutler, LL. D. Hamilton, 

29 Octo. 1812 
26 Jan. 1796 
13 Aug. 1792 
25 April, 1811 
29 May, 1792 

2 April, 1798 
Mar. 1805 

25 April, 1815 

Hon. John Davis, LL. D. Boston, 
Hon. Daniel Davis, Esq. do. 

Mr. Samuel Davis, Plymouth, 

tElias Haskett Derby, Esq. Salem, 

Aaron Dexter, M. D. Boston, 

24 Octo. 1791 

29 May, 1792 

30 Jan. 1812 

28 April, 1801 

29 May, 1792 


*Rev. John Eliot, D. D. 
Dr. Ephraim Eliot, 
*Rev. William Emerson, 
Hon. & Rev. Ed. Everett, P. 

Boston, Original member 14 Feb. 1813 

do 24 Aug. 1813 

do. 13 July, 1801 12 May, 1811 

D. Cambridge, 27 April, 1820 

|| The first meeting- was held 24 January, 1791. Present Rev J. Belknap, 
J. Eliot, and J. Freeman, J. Sullivan, Esq. Rev. Mr. Thacher, W. Tudor, Esq. 
Mr. T. Wallcut, and J. Winthrop, Esq. 


Alphabetical Lists. 



Time of Elec- 

Decease, Re- 
signation, fyc. 

♦William Fiske, Esq. 


25 April, 1797 

13 Aug. 


tRev. Ebenezer Fitch, D. D. 


30 Octo. 1798 

2 April, 


Rev. James Freeman, D. D. 


Original member 

•tNathaniel Freeman, Esq. 


23 Octo. 1792 

25 Oct. 


*Caleb Gannett, Esq. 


31 Octo. 1797 

25 April, 


Samuel P. Gardner, Esq. 


24 Aug. 1824 

Rev. Ezra S. Goodwin, 


25 April, 1822 
30 Jan. 1798 

Hon. Christopher Gore, LL. D. 


Hon. Francis C. Gray, 


29 Jan. 1818 

Nathan Hale, Esq. 


27 Jan. 1820 

Rev. Thaddeus Mason Harris, 


13 Aug. 1792 

Levi Hedge, LL. D. 


29 Aug. 1815 

tStephen Higginson, jun. Esq. 


25 Jan. 1803 

25 Aug. 


Rev. Abiel Holmes, D. D. 


24 April, 1798 

Rev. Jonathan Homer, 


30 April, 1799 

Hon. Charles Jackson, LL. D. 


29 Aug. 1815 

Rev. William Jenks, 


27 Aug. 1821 

Hon. Daniel Kilham, 


24 April, 1798 

Rev. J. T. Kirkland, D. D. LL. D 


26 Jan. 1796 

*Hon. Benjamin Lincoln, 


19 July, 1798 

9 May, 


*Isaac Lothrop, Esq. 


11 Octo. 1791 



John Lowell, Esq. LL. D. 


30 Jan. 1823 

Rev. Charles Lowell, D. D. 


29 Aug. 1815 

Hon. Theodore Lyman, jun. 


24 April, 1823 

*Rev. Joseph McKean, 


7 Sept. 1808 

17 Mar. 


John Mellen, Esq. 


23 Octo. 1792 

James C. Merrill, Esq. 


27 April, 1820 

*Geo. Richards Minot, Esq. 


Original member 

2 Jan. 


Hon. Nahum Mitchell, 


25 Aug. 1818 

Rev. Jedediah Morse, D. D. 


26 Jan. 1796 

Benjamin R. Nichols, Esq. 


29 Jan. 1819 

*Rev. Stephen Palmer, 


27 Aug. 1816 


*Ebenezer Parsons, Esq. 


31 Jan. 1797 



*Wm. Dandridge Peck, A. M. 


8 Octo. 1792 

3 Octo. 


*Mr. Thomas Pemberton, 


13 Aug. 1792 

5 July, 


tEliphalet Pearson, LL. D. 


28 Jan. 1800 

28 Aug. 


* James Perkins, Esq. 


29 May, 1792 

1 Aug. 


Hon. John Pickering, LL. D. 


29 Jan. 1818 

Rev. John Pierce, D. D. 


31 Jan. 1809 

Rev. John Snelling Popkin, 


13 July, 1801 

*Ezekiel Price, Esq. 


30 April, 1793 
29 Jan. 1793 

15 July, 


Rev. John Prince, LL. D. 


Alphabetical Lists. 


Hon. Josiah Quincy, 

*IsaacRand, M. D. 
Mr. Obadiah Rich, 
Rev. Samuel Ripley. 

Hon. Leverett Saltonstall, 
Hon. James Savage, 
Hon. David Sewall, Esq. 
William Smith Shaw, Esq. 
Nathaniel G. Snelling, Esq. 
Hon. William Spooner, M. D. 
*William J. Spooner, Esq. 
Hon. Joseph Story, LL. D. 
*His Ex. Caleb Strong, LL. D. 
*His Ex. James Sullivan, LL. D. 
William Sullivan, Esq. 

ngdon Sullivan, Esq. 

*Rev. Peter Thacher, D. D 
* Joshua Thomas, Esq. 
Isaiah Thomas, Esq. 
t Joseph Tilden, Esq. 
Ichabod Tucker. Esq. 
♦William Tudor, Esq. 
William Tudor, jun. Esq. 
tMr. Samuel Turell, 
Dudley Atkins Tyng, Esq. 

Mr. Thomas Wallcut, 
Rev. Henry Ware, jun. 
*Marston Watson, Esq. 
Hon. Daniel Webster, LL. I 
Mr. Redford Webster, 
tWilliam Wetmore, Esq. 
*Rev. Peter Whitney, 
*John Williams, Esq. 
tRev. Zephaniah Willis, 
*Hon. James Winthrop, 
Thomas L. Winthrop, Esq. 
*Hon. William Winthrop, 


Time of Elec- 




Bignation } fyc. 


26 July, 1790 


19 July, 1798 




5 Mar. 1805 


27 Jan. 1820 


27 Aug. 1816 


28 Jan. 1813 


11 Oct. 1791 


7 Nov. 1805 


29 Jan. 1818 


26 April, 1796 


25 April, 1822 

17 Oct. 



25 April, 1816 


31 July, 1800 




Original member 

10 Dec. 



29 April, 1800 


28 April, 1801 


Original member 

16 Dec. 



25 Oct. 1808 




25 April, 1811 


30 Jan. 1812 

25 April, 



26 Aug. 1817 


Original member 

8 July, 



25 April, 1816 


30 July, 1793 

27 Aug. 



30 April, 1793 . 


Original member 


31 Jan. 1822 


29 April, 1800 

7 Aug. 



27 Aug. 1821 


13 Aug. 1792 


13 Aug. 1792 

29 Aug. 



28 Aug. 1804 

29 Feb. 



30 Oct. 1798 

27 July, 



28 April, 1801 

25 April, 



Original member 




28 Aug. 1800 


27 Jan. 1820 

5 Feb. 


(frovvzuptmliim ffltmbttn. 

Hon. Frederick Adelung, 
Rev. Timothy Alden, jun. 
Robert Anderson, M. D. 
Hon. Charles H. Atherton, 

Berlin, Prussia, 
Meadville, Pa. 
Edinb. Scotl. 
Amherst, N. H. 


25 April, 1822 

1 Oct. 1801 

27 Aug. 1805 

25 April, 1816 



Alphabetical Lists. 


*Gardiner Baker, Esq. 
Rev. John Bassett, 
♦Benjamin S. Barton, M. D. 
William Barton, Esq. 
Samuel Bayard, Esq. 
William Blount, Esq. 
M. Carlo Botta, 
♦Hon. Elias Boudinot, LL. D. 
Rev. Andrew Brown, D. D. 
Rt. Hon. Earl of Bucban. 


N. York. N. Y. 
Albany, do. 

Philadelphia, Pa. 
Lancast. do. 
New Jersey, 
Paris, France, 
New Jersey, 
Edinb. Scotl. 

Time of Elec- 

17 Aug. 1795 
29 Aug. 1809 
26 Jan. 1796 
26 Oct. 1802 

24 April, 1817 

25 Oct. 1796 

26 Oct. 1820 

29 April, 1813 

30 April, 1793 
30 Aug. 180S 

Decease, Re- 
signation, fyc. 

Oct. 1798 

20 July, 179- 

George Chalmers, Esq. London, Eng. 25 April, 1816 

James Clarke, Esq. Halifax, N. S. 17 Aug. 1795 

His Ex. De Witt Clinton, LL. D. New York, 28 April, 1814 

Adm. Sir Isaac Coffin, London, Eng. 31 Oct. 1822 

M. De La Fayette, LL. D. &c. 28 Oct. 1824 

Henry W. Dessaussure, Esq. Charleston, S. C. 25 April, 1797 

M. Julius De Wallenstein, 28 Oct. 1824 

Benjamin De Witt, M. D. Albany, N. Y. 18 July, 1799 

Rev. John Disney, D. D. Hyde, England, 26 April, 1809 

John Dunn, LL. D. Killaly, Ireland, 1 Dec. 1797 

Peter S. Du Ponceau, Esq. Philadelphia, Pa. 29 Jan. 1818 

♦Rev.Timo. Dwight, D. D. LL. D. N. Haven, Con. 31 Oct. 1797 

11 Jan. 1817 

♦Rev. C. D. Ebeling (Professor) Hamburgh, 
Samuel Eddy, Esq. Providence, R. I. 

*Rev. Andrew Eliot, Fairfield, Con. 

*Rev. John Erskine, D. D. Edinb. Scotl. 

George W. Erving, Esq. 

28 Oct. 1794 

27 Aug. 1805 

30 Oct. 1798 26 Oct. 1805 
8 Oct. 1792 

31 Oct. 1822 

Mr. John Farmer, 
Moses Fiske, 
*Hon. Theodore Foster, 
*Anthony Fothergill, M. D. 
John W. Francis, M. D. 
♦Constant Freeman, Esq. 

Concord, N. H. 
Providence, R. I. 
Bath, Eng. 
N. York, N. Y. 
Fort Nelson, 



31 Jan. 
31 Oct. 
28 Oct. 1800 
28 Aug. 1804 
27 Jan. 1814 
25 April, 1811 

Jonathan Goodhue, Esq. 

N. York, N. Y. 29 April, 1819 

Rev. Thomas Hall, 
Rev. Wm. Harris, D. D. 
N. A. Haven, jun. Esq. 
♦Ebenezer Hazard, Esq. 
♦Rev. Arthur Homer, D. D. 
David Hosack, M. D. 
♦Gilbert Harrison Hubbard, Esq 
Baron Alex. Von Humboldt, 
♦Elisha Hutchinson, Esq. 

New York, 
Portsmouth, N. H. 
Philadelphia, Pa. 
Cambridge, Eng. 
N. York, N. Y. 
Paris, France, 
Birmingham, Eng. 

28 April, 1801 

27 Jan. 1814 
31 Jan. 1822 

29 May, 1792 

28 Jan. 1800 
27 Jan. 1814 
18 Nov. 1796 

30 Oct. 1817 
27 April, 1820 


11 May, 1803 

Alphabetical Lists. 




Time of Elec- 





, cf-C. 

Hon. John Jay, LL. D. 

N. York, N. Y. 

29 May, 


*Edward Jenner, M. D. 


29 Oct. 


William Johnson, 

New York, 

28 May, 


*Sir William Jones, 

Calcutta, Bengal, 

27 Jan. 


27 April, 


Michael Joy, Esq. 

London, Eng. 

27 Aug. 


Hon. Rufus King, LL. D. 

New York, 

28 Oct. 


Lemuel Kollock, M. D. 

Savannah, Geo. 

25 April, 


William Lee, Esq. 


27 Aug. 


*John Coakley Lettsom, M. D. 

London, Eng. 

27 Jan. 


M. Barbe Marbois, 

Paris, France, 

28 Oct. 


*Ebenezer Grant Marsh, A. M. 

New Haven, Con. 

1 Sept. 


16 Nov. 


Hon. John Marshall, LL. D. 

Richmond, Va. 

29 Aug. 


Hon. Jeremiah Mason, LL. D. 

Portsmouth, N. H. 

26 April, 
30 Oct. 


Major Hugh McCall, 

Savannah, Geo. 


*Rev. David McClure, 

East Windsor, Ct. 

17 Aug. 


Phineas Miller, Esq. 

Savannah, Geo. 

17 Aug. 


*Rev. Samuel Miller, D. D. 

N. York, N. Y. 

18 July, 


Samuel Latham Mitchell, M. D. 

do. do. 

30 Jan. 


Rev. Robert Morrison, D. D. 

Macao, China, 

31 Oct. 


John Newman, M. D. 

Salisbury, N. C. 

27 April, 
2 Jan. 


Hon. Nathaniel Niles, 

Fairlee, Vt. 


Rev. Asa Norton, 

Paris, N. Y. 

31 Jan. 


Rev. Eliphalet Nott, D. D. 

Schenectady, N. Y 

29 April, 


Hon. Timothy Pickering, 

Then of Phil. Pa. 

24 April, 


Mr. Thomas Pieronnett, 

Then of Demer. 

28 Jan. 


John Pintard, Esq. 

N. York, N. Y. 

28 Oct. 


Hon. Timothy Pitkin, 

Farmington, Con. 

25 Aug. 


His Exc. Wm. Plumer, 

Epping, N. H. 

25 Aug. 


* Hon. David Ramsay, M. D. 

Charleston, S. C. 

29 May, 


Ephraim Ramsay, Esq. 
*Edmund Randolph, Esq. 

do. do. 

25 April 


Philadelphia, Pa. 

23 Oct. 


20 July, 


Rev. James Richards, D. D. 

26 Jan. 


*Rumford, Benj. T. Count, 

London, Eng. 

30 Jan. 


*Rev. Ezra Sampson, 

Hudson, N. Y. 

26 Aug. 


*Hon. Winthrop Sargeant, 


28 Jan. 


Sir Walter Scott, 

Edinb. Scotl. 

31 Jan. 


*Dr. Isaac Senter, 

Newport, R. I. 

18 Nov. 



Benjamin Silliman, A. M. 

New Haven, Con. 



*Dr. Elihu Hubbard Smith, 

N. York, N. Y. 

1 Dec. 


Hon. John C. Smith, 

Sharon, Con. 

29 April, 


Robert Southey, Esq. 

London, Eng. 

29 April, 
29 May, 


Rev. Alexander Spark, 

Quebeck, Can. 


*Rev. John Jones Spooner, 

Martin's Brandon,Va.26 Nov. 




*Rev. Ezra Stiles, D. D. LL. D 

New Haven, Con. 

23 Oct. 





Officers of the Society. 



Hon. Samuel Tenney, M. D. Exeter, N. H. 

*Charles Thomson, Esq. Philadelphia, Pa. 

*His Exc. Jonathan Trumbull, Lebanon, Con. 

*Rev. Benjamin Trumbull, D. D. North Haven, Ct. 

Hon. St. George Tucker, Williamsburgh, Va. 

Gen. Charles Valiancy, 
Hon. Stephen Van Ransalaer 
John Vaugban, Esq. 
Gulian C. Verplanck, Esq. 

Robert Walsh, Esq. 

*R. Watson, D. D. Bp. of Landaff, 

Elkanah Watson, Esq. 

Noah Webster, jun. Esq. 

Charles Mary Wentworth, Esq. 

Jonathan Williams, Esq. 

William T. Williams, Esq. 

Samuel Williams, 

*Hon. John Wheelock, LL. D. 

Dr. Hugh Williamson, 

Hon. Oliver Wolcott, 

J. Van Ness Yates, Esq. 

Dublin, Ireland, 
Albany, N. Y. 
Philadelphia, Pa. 
N. York, N. Y. 

Time of Elec- 

8 Oct. 1792 

29 May, 1792 

30 April, 1799 
30 Oct. 1798 
17 Aug. 1795 

7 Nov. 1805 

31 Jan. 1797 

26 Aug. 1802 

27 Jan. 1820 

Decease, Re- 
signation, fyc. 

Aug. 1824 

7 Aug. 1809 


Philadelphia, Pa. 29 Aug. 1820 
Cumberlandshire, 31 Jan. 1804 

Then of Hartford, CM 3 Aug. 1792 

Halifax, N. S. 
Philadelphia, Pa. 

London, Eng. 
Hanover, N. H. 
Edenton, N. C. 
New York, 

Albany, N. Y. 

28 May, 1805 
27 Oct. 1807 
30 April, 1818 
30 Oct. 1823 
25 Aug. 1807 

17 Aug. 1795 

18 Nov. 1796, 

29 Aug. 1820 

Officers of the Society, 


James Sullivan, 
Christopher Gore, 
John Davis, . . 


Recording Secretaries. 

Thomas Wallcut, . . . 

. 1791 

George Richards Minot, . 

. 1792 

James Freeman, . . . 

. 1793—1812 

Joseph Mac-kean, . . . 

. 1812—1818 

Charles Lowell, . . . 

. 1818 

Corresponding Secretaries. 

Jeremy Belknap, .... 1791—1798 

John Eliot, J 798— 1813 

Abiel Holmes, 1813 



Wm. Tudor, . 1791—1796 & 1799, 1803 
George Richards Minot, . . 1796—1799 

Josiah Quincy, 1803—1820 

James Savage, 1820 


John Eliot, . . 1791—1793,1795—1798 

George Richards Minot, . . 1793—1795 

John Thornton Kirkland, . 1798—1806 

William S. Shaw, .... 1806 — 1808 

Timothy Alden, jun. . . . 1808 

Joseph Mac-kean, .... 1809 — 1812 

Joseph Tilden, 1812—1814 

James Savage 1814—1818 

Nathaniel G. Snelling, . . 1818—1821 

Elisha Clap, 1821 — 1823 

William Jenks, .... 1823 

Officers of the Society. 


Assistant Librarians. 

3a Volume. 

Jeremy Belknap, 

John T. Kirkland, ... 1 

798, April to 

James Freeman, 

Thomas Wallcut, . . . 

798, August. 

William Wetmore, 

Aaron Dexter. 

4lh Volume. 

Cabinet Keepers. 

Jeremy Belknap, 
John Eliot, 
James Freeman, 

George Richards Minot, . . 


John Eliot, 

Samuel Turell, 




George Richards Minot. 

Timothy Alden, jun. . . . 


Joseph Mac-kean, . . . 


5th Volume. 

Redford Webster, .... 


John Eliot, 
James Freeman, 
Jedediah Morse, 

Standing Commi 


Josiah Quincy. 

George Richards Minot, . 



Uh Volume. 

Peter Thacher, .... 



James Winthrop, . . . 

. 1791- 


George Richards Minot, 

Redford Webster, . . . 

. 1793- 


Josiah Quincy, 

John Davis, 



John Davis, 

Josiah Quincy, .... 

. 1798- 


John Thornton Kirkland. 

William Tudor, . . . 

. 1803- 


William Emerson, . . 

. 1803- 


John T. Kirkland, . . 

. 1806- 


7tfi Volume. 

Thomas L. Winthrop, 

. 1810 

Abiel Holmes, .... 

. 1811- 


James Freeman, . . . 

. 1812 

Jedediah Morse, 

John Pierce, .... 

. 1813 

Abiel Holmes, 

James Savage, .... 
William Tudor, . . . 

. 1818- 
. 1820- 


William Spooner, 
Thaddeus Mason Harris. 

Francis C. Gray, . . . 

. 1821 

Nathan Hale, .... 

. 1824 

8th Volume. 

John Eliot, 
James Freeman, 

Committees of Pui 


Peter Thacher, 
William Sullivan. 

First Series 

9th Volume. 

1st Volume. 

Josiah Quincy, 

Jeremy Belknap, 
John Eliot, 
James Freeman, 

John Davis, 
John T. Kirkland, 
William Emerson. 

George Richards Minot. 

10th Volume. 

2d Volume. 

James Sullivan, 
Peter Thacher, 
William Tudor, 
Redford Webster. 

Abiel Holmes, 
Thaddeus Mason Hams, 
Thomas L. Winthrop, 
John Q. Adams. 



Officers of the Society. 

Second Series. 
1st Volume. 

John Davis, 
Red ford Webster, 
Alden Bradford, 
John Pierce. 

2d Volume, 

Abiel Holmes, 
Thaddeus Mason Harris, 
Josiah Quincy, 
Joseph Mac-kean. 

3d Volume 

James Freeman, 
Alden Bradford, 
Josiah Quincy, 
James Savage. 

4th Volume- 

John Davis, 
Joseph Mac-kean, 
William Tudor, 
James Savage. 

5th Volume 

Abiel Holmes, 
Joseph Mac-kean, 

6th Volume. 

Abiel Holmes, 
Joseph Mac-kean. 

7th Volume. 

John Davis, 
Abiel Holmes, 
Joseph Mac-kean, 
William Tudor. 

8th Volume, 

Abiel Holmes, 
Alden Bradford, 
Elisha Clap, 
James Savage. 

9th Volume. 

James Freeman, 
John Pickering, 
William Tudor, 
James Savage, 
Francis C. Gray. 

\Oth Volume 

Abiel Holmes, 
John Pickering, 
James Savage, 
Benjamin R. Nichols. 

Third Series, 
1st Volume. 

William Jenks, 
Charles Lowell, 
James Savage, 
William J. Spooner. 

2d Volume 

John Pickering, 
James Bowdoin, 
Benjamin R. Nichols, 
James C. Merrill. 

To prepare the hides. 

Benjamin R. Nichols, 
James C. Merrill, 
William J. Spooner. 
James Bowdoin. 

Acknowledgment of Donations. 295 

Acknowledgment of Donations. 

JL HE thanks of the Massachusetts Historical Society 
are presented for the following donations. 

A. HOLMES, Corresponding Secretary. 

Transactions of American Philosophical Society, Vol. 
I. New Series ; Eulogium on its late President, C. Wistar. 

Presented by the Society. 

A copy of Winthrop's MS. Catalogue of Harvard 
College, with biographical Notes. 

Usher Parsons, M. D. 

MS. Letter of James Sullivan, Esq. to Rev. Dr. West, 
on a difficult passage in prophecy, with Dr. West's 
Answer. Rev. Dr. John Gushing. 

Moore's (Rev. M.) Memoirs of the Life and Charac- 
ter of Rev. John Eliot. The Author. 

Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, with 
Statements, showing the Commerce and Navigation of 
U. S. for 1823. Hon. James Lloyd. 

Account of the Salmo Otsego, or the Otsego Bass, 
in a Letter from Gov. Clinton. Henry M. Francis, Esq. 

Charter of the Redwood Library Company, granted 
A. D. 1747. The Trustees. 

Minutes of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian 
Church in the United States ; Catalogue of Books in the 
Library of Alleghany College. Rev. Timothy Alden. 

Xlth and Xlllth Reports of New Hampshire Bible 
Society. Maj. John D. Abbot. 

The New Hampshire Register for 1823. 

The Compiler 

296 Acknowledgment of Donations. 

Journal of an Excursion made by the Corps of Cadets 
of the Academy under Capt. Alden Partridge, June, 
1822; Doe's Newtonian Almanack for 1822; Dana's 
Election Sermon, preached at Concord, 1823; Fourth 
Annual Report of New Hampshire Baptist Domestick 
Missionary Society; Curtis's Topographical and Histori- 
cal Sketch of Epsom, New Hampshire ; President Ty_ 
ler's Election Sermon, N. H. 1824; Price's Chronologi_ 
cal Register of Boscawen, N. H. Mr. J. B. Moore 

New Hampshire Register for 1824 ; Act of Incorpo- 
ration, Constitution and By-Laws of the New Hamp- 
shire Historical Society ; Concio Valedictoria (MS.) 
anon. ; Acts of 2d Session of 12th Congress of U. S.; 
Journal of House of Representatives, N. H. 1820; 
Proposals for carrying Mails of U. S. (2 copies;) VII Ith 
Report of Bible Society of Charleston, S. C. 

Mr. John Farmer. 

Account of Berkshire Medical Institution. 

Dr. Jacob Porter. 

Laws of New Hampshire, 1805 to 1810. 

Gen. Low. 

Bradford's History of Mass. ; XVIth and XVIIth 
vols, of Mass. Reports ; Acts of Congress ; Gen. Sum- 
ner's Letter on the Militia System ; and a collection of 
pamphlets. Alden Bradford, Esq. 

Ten pamphlets, State Papers ; two do. Senate Pa- 
pers ; four do. Congressional Reports. 

Massachusetts General Court. 

Notes on passages in the North American Review of 
" Europe, by a Citizen of the United States." By the 
author of that work. N. Hale, Esq. 

Order of Exercises, Exhibition African Free School, 
1823. Committee of the School. 

Nov-Anglus and Massachusettensis. W. S. Shaw, Esq. 

Acknowledgment of Donations. 297 

Collections of New York Historical Society, 3d vol. 

The Society. 

MS. Map of Merrimack River, (original,) taken a 
short time before the American Revolution, by survey 
of Grant and Wheeler, under the direction of Holland, 
by order of the British Government. 

D. A. Tyng, Esq. 

Letters on the Eastern States ; MSS. of James 
Otis, Esq.; MS. Book of a British Officer, 1799. 

William Tudor, Esq. 

Prize Book, 4 numbers. 

B. A. Gould, Master ofPublick Latin School, Boston. 

Niles's Weekly Register, from 1811 to 1822, 22 vols, 
bound General Index to the first 12 vols. ; Niles's 
Sketches of the Revolution ; First United States Census, 
and the last; The Complete Soldier, Boston, 1701; 
seventeen pamphlets. A Member of the Society. 

Massachusetts Spy, 13 vols. Isaiah Thomas, Esq. 

Rev. S. E. Dwight's Address. Hon. T. L. Winthrop. 

Gary's Genealogies of Bridgewater. Mr. G. Hallock. 

Eleven Publications of the American Board Commis- 
sioners, Foreign Missions. 

The Board of Commissioners. 

Harris's Discourse before the Society for propagating 
the Gospel among the Indians and others in North Ame- 
rica, and the Reports of the Society, in 1 822 — 1 824 ; Hun- 
tington's Daniel, Sermon before the Massachusetts So- 
ciety for promoting Christian Knowledge, with Report 
for 1824 ; 8th and 9th Reports of the Directors of the 
American Education Society ; Report of the American 
Society for promoting the Civilization and General Im- 
provement of the Indian Tribes within the United States ; 
Holmes's Sermon at the Funeral of Rev. Dr. Osgood. 

Corr. Secretary. 

298 Acknowledgment of Donations. 

Dana's Sermon on the Atonement, preached at the 
Annual Convention of the Congregational and Presby- 
terian Ministers of New Hampshire, 1824. 

Mr. John W. Shepard. 

Papers relating to the Ecclesiastical History of Ex- 
eter, N. H. Isaac Mansfield, Esq. 

15th and 16th Reports of the British and Foreign 
Bible Society. Rev. W. Jenks. 

Dissertation on the Nature and Extent of the Juris- 
diction of the Courts of the United States, &c. 8vo. By 
Peter S. Du Ponceau, LL. D. The Author. 

Catalogus Universitatis Brownensis. 

Hon. W. D. Williamson. 

Address of the Mayor of Boston, Hon. Josiah Quincy, 
at the Organization of the City Government, 1824, 
(2 copies.) The Author. 

Journal of the Sufferings of Stephen Clubb in France. 

Dr. E. Eliot. 

Hesichii Lexicon, fol. without date ; Geographia 
Ptolemgei, 4to. Cologn, 1597; Jo. Baptistse Porta Ma- 
giae Naturalis, Francof. 1591. Jo. Barclaii Argenis, 
Amstel. 1671. Samuel P. Gardner, Esq. 

Portsmouth Journal, 1821 — 4, 2 vols. 

James Savage, Esq. 

State Papers of U. S. 19 vols. 

Secretary of State of U. S. 

Account of the Forts erected around Boston during 
the Siege. Mr. Finch. 

Review of the Correspondence between the Hon. 
John Adams, late President of U. S. and the late Wil- 
liam Cunningham, Esq. By Timothy Pickering. 

The Author. 

Acknowledgment of Donations. 299 

Papers relative to the Geographical Society of France. 

The Society. 

A Map of the Town of New Haven, with the Build- 
ings, in 1748, by William Lyon. 

S. T. Armstrong, Esq. 

The New York Spectator ; Boston Weekly Messenger. 

The respective Publishers. 

The Sword of Col. Benjamin Church. 

Mrs. Anne Alwood, of Taunton, great 
granddaughter of Col. Church. 

A New England Three Penny Piece. 

Col. Joseph May. 

Specimen of counterfeited Continental Currency of 
the Revolution, of which a large mass was found during 
the war, and deposited with the late President Weare, 
New Hampshire. Mr. John Palmer.